Category Archives: Judicial

The President and Subpoenas

Recently, the United States Supreme Court issued two opinions concerning the ability of different entities to issue subpoenas to a president.  As the two cases involved different entities issuing subpoenas, the opinions treated them very differently.

The first case, Vance, involved a state grand jury subpoena.  Over the years, the Supreme Court has considered a significant number of cases involving subpoena.  Some involved subpoenas issued to private parties.  Others considered federal criminal subpoenas issued to the president.  The Supreme Court has also considered federal civil cases involving a president.  The sum total of these prior cases is that there are rules limiting the issuance of a subpoena.  In light of these cases, the Supreme Court decided that there was no blanket exemption that permitted a president to challenge a state grand jury subpoena.  Nor is there a significantly different standard when the case involves a president.  Instead the ordinary considerations (whether the subpoena is appropriately designed to seek information relevant to the inquiry) usually control.  However, while it is not a heightened standard, a court should consider the degree to which the subpoena may interfere with presidential duty in determining whether to grant any relief from the subpoenas.  In other words, the State does not need to make a different showing to justify a subpoena to a president than it would to justify a subpoena to an average business, but the president may have unique grounds that he can raise to block the subpoena.

The judge hearing the case seeking to quash the grand jury subpoena has already begun the process for considering any new objections that the president may raise (and the Supreme Court has issued its judgment in that case early).  So we may get a final decision soon.  However, the material will then be part of the confidential grand jury case.  Thus, any financial records will not be public in the near future. Continue Reading...

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Native Americans and the Supreme Court

While most of the news coverage of Thursday’s decisions focused on Donald Trump’s financial records, the  other case on Thursday may be just as big.  In that case — McGirt vs. Oklahoma — the Supreme Court had to decide who had the authority to try Native Americans for criminal offenses.  And the story behind that case is 200+ years of the troubled relations between Native Americans and the descendants of the immigrants who gradually took over all of the land that used to belong to the original settlers.

While the story predates the founding of the United States, for lawyers, the story begins in 1787.  At that time — and for most of the next 100 years — there were two United States.  First, there was the nominal United States with borders set by treaties with European nations (which at that time were the only ones that counted to the Framers other than a handful of countries bordering the Mediterranean).  Then there was the real United States defined by the current extent of settlements.  Just over that border were the native tribes. And, the early conflicts involving the colonies revealed that the tribes were potential enemies that could ally with foreign powers or potential allies in those struggles.   Thus the Constitution treated the tribes as being somewhat similar to foreign countries or the individual states with the federal government having exclusive authority over dealings with the tribes.

The rest of the story from that point on is one of treaties made and treaties broken as the various tribes were compelled to surrender parts (or all) of their original lands in exchange for guarantees of title to specific lands.  One of these tragic stories was the Trail of Tears with many of the tribes (the Five Nations) in the southeastern U.S. moved to what is modern day Oklahoma.  In the latter part of the nineteenth century, a series of acts opened up first the rest of Oklahoma and then part of the lands set aside to the native tribes for settlement by non-tribe members.  Around the same time, there were several key developments.  First, there were “allotment acts” which converted much of tribal land into private property owned by tribe members which could then be sold to non-members.  Second, the various territories into which the tribes had been moved became states.  Third, Congress passed laws dealing with crimes committed by natives. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court — Trump’s Position Loses; Trump wins

I will have further details on what the Supreme Court held about Trump’s taxes when I have a chance to digest everything from yesterday.  But in practical terms, there are two ways to view the decision.

On the one hand, Trump’s current arguments were soundly rejected by a 7-2 vote in both cases.  The president is not above the law and has to respond to proper subpoenas (with some caveats about the needs of courts to consider the burden on the presidency and the necessity of the subpoena).

On the other hand, Trump’s tax returns are still secret for the next several months.  In all of the cases, as I feared, the Supreme Court sent the case back to the lower courts to take another look at the motions to quash in light of the Supreme Court’s instructions. Continue Reading...

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Religious Freedom (for some) — Supreme Court Overtime Edition 2

The big news out of the Supreme Court today is that Thursday is the last opinion day of the court.  Under normal practice, the justices would hold a public session in their courtroom to announce the opinions.  Opinions would be announced in reverse order of seniority (with some exceptions for companion cases) with the justice who wrote the opinion reading a brief summary of the opinion and (sometimes) a dissenting justice reading a statement as well (but such a statement is a rare event).  With the Supreme Court not being open to the public (and no public information office handing out copies to reporters), the opinions are merely being posted on-line but at roughly the same pace (one every ten minutes) as would be true if the Supreme Court was actually proceeding as normal with the opinions being released in the courtroom.  As we have already seen this term, sometimes the Supreme Court’s website  is not quite up to the traffic associated with a major opinion.  But, if you wish to go to www.supremecourt.gov at 10am EDT and repeatedly refresh, you can see the opinions as they are being released.   As discussed further below, my expectation is that the Chief Justice will have one of the two (or maybe both) of the Trump tax cases.  If that is the case, I would expect the Oklahoma opinion to be released at 10 (regardless of who has the opinion) followed by two Trump tax cases at 10:10 and 10:20., but there is a chance of one of the two Trump tax cases at 10:00 followed by the Oklahoma case at 10:10 and the Chief Justices opinion at 10:20.  It all depends on how closely connected the holding in the two Trump tax cases are.

Today, the Supreme Court released the two remaining “religion” cases.  The first case, written by Justice Alito, concerned the “ministerial exception” as it applies to school teachers.  The ministerial exception has its roots in the Free Exercise Clause.  Basically, under the Free Exercise Clause, the government has no power over the religious leaders of a religious organization.  Courts only play a limited role in deciding intra-faith disputes and only when the issue to be resolved is a secular matter like which group of opposing claimants to leadership actually has title to the assets of a religious organization (including the right to use the name).  Today’s case, however, takes the exception to (and arguably past) the breaking point.  The issue is whether teachers at a parochial school are covered by the ministerial exception.  On the one hand, teachers at a parochial school — especially an elementary school where one teacher handles all subject matters — do teach some religious materials and are expected to comply with a code of conduct.  On the other hand, many parochial schools — while having a preference that teachers belong to the same sect that runs the school — do not expressly mandate that teachers are members of the religious group running the school.  The majority — in a 7-2 decision — essentially held that all teachers in religious schools are minister based solely on the school’s assertion that it views them as ministers and that the decision to fire was based on non-religious grounds.  As the purpose of the ministerial exception is to avoid courts from having to decide whether a particular minister is sufficiently “orthodox,” this broadening of the exception is significantly divorced from the purpose behind the exception.   In this consolidated case, the two teachers claimed that they were fired based on age (violating the law against discriminating based on age) and medical condition (breast cancer, violating the laws governing medical leave).  The schools — while asserting an absolute bar to proceeding on the merits due to the ministerial exception — asserted that they were fired because they were not good teachers.  In short, religious issues had nothing to do with the case, and a court could have decided which secular reason was the main motivating factor in the decision to fire these two teachers.

The other case involved the contraception mandate.  Amazingly, the majority opinion by Justice Thomas only made a passing reference to the Religious Freedom Restoration Act.  Instead, the gist of the opinion was whether the Affordable Care Act gave the government discretion to create a religious exemption to the contraception mandate.  Technically, the majority opinion does not resolve the final issue of whether the current regulation is valid.  Instead, it merely held that the Affordable Care Act granted the government the discretion to create an exception for religious groups (and private companies) with moral objections to the mandates and that the government complied with the procedural requirements of the Administrative Procedure Act.   The case is sent back to the lower court to decide if the regulation was adequately supported by the administrative record.  (Which means that the future of the contraceptive mandate and this religious exemption depends on the results of the election.) Continue Reading...

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Political Robocalls and Faithless Electors — Supreme Court Overtime Edition 1 (UPDATED — 7/8)

On Monday, the Supreme Court went into what is essentially overtime.  We are now the latest for issuing opinions since 1974 (the year of Watergate) when the last opinion from the regular term was issued the day after the Supreme Court heard the Watergate arguments.  It is unlikely that we will reach that July 25 date this year, but anything is possible.  (Given that the Watergate opinion is a key precedent on the still pending Trump Organization subpoena cases, the poetic irony has to be appreciated.)  We do have a second opinion day this week scheduled for Wednesday; so potentially Wednesday could be the last day or there could still be additional opinion days to come.  (With five cases still outstanding, getting all five on Wednesday would be somewhat surprising given the pace of opinions so far this term, but anything is possible, but there already has been one five-opinion day this term.)

Monday’s two opinions both concerned the process of elections.  On the one hand, the Barr case was brought by the lobbying group for political consultants challenging the barriers that the federal robocall statute places to even more repetitive phone calls from campaigns.  On the other hand, the Chiafalo case (and the companion case from Colorado) involves the very rules governing the conduct of the electors chosen by the various states to actually cast the “real” votes in the presidential election.

In the long run, Barr may be the more important of the two.  The federal robocall statute dates back to the early 90s (and, yes, it has been close to an utter failure).  In 2015, Congress amended the statute to pass an exception allowing the federal government to have people make robocalls seeking to collect debt owed to the government.  Some political consultants and other groups saw this amendment as an opening to raise a First Amendment complaint against the robocall statute.  The bottom line of this decision is they won the battle, but lost the war. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court — Progressive Pyrrhic Victories and Conservative Triumphs

This week the Supreme Court issued five opinions.  Putting aside a case about when [generic term].com can be trademarked, the other four cases represent two big wins for conservatives and two narrow wins for progressives in which the reasoning adopted by the controlling vote — in both cases, the Chief Justice — signals bad news for progressives in future cases.

But first, there are some housekeeping details.  This week’s opinion finished the outstanding cases from January and February.  The only cases left are from May, but we still have eight of the ten cases left.  As a result, it is practically wide open as for as which justice has which case.  Justice Gorsuch and Justice Ginsburg have both authored six opinions for the Court this year (implying that they are probably done, but Justice Gorsuch still has an outside chance at picking up one of the May cases).  Justice Thomas has only authored four opinions for the Court, so he may get two May opinions.  Everybody else appears to be due for one May opinion.

This past week, the Supreme Court issued opinions on the Consumer Finance Protection Bureau, abortion, tax credits for religious schools, and conditions on aid to foreign non-governmental organizations.  In all of these cases, the controlling opinion established rules that conservatives will love, even if they hate the result in the individual case. Continue Reading...

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Trump, Mueller, and the Supreme Court

Earlier today, the Supreme Court issued an order list covering several cases.  For political junkies, the big news from the list concerned Department of [Obstructing] Justice vs. House Committee on the Judiciary.  The issue in this case is whether the House can get access to the grand jury proceedings from the Mueller investigation.  Technically, the issue is whether the House’s investigation of whether Trump committed potential impeachable offenses is a “judicial proceeding” for the purposes of the Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure’s exception to the general rule of grand jury secrecy.

The big impact of today’s order is that it extends the hold on the release of those proceedings.  And, given the other cases already on the docket for the Fall, it is likely that the Supreme Court will not hear arguments on this matter until December.  In short, this decision means that those records will not become public until after the election.

Now how this reflects on the Supreme Court depends upon what happens in the election.  If Trump loses, arguably, the case would be moot as any opinion would not come until after Trump leaves office and could no longer be impeached.  It is possible that the Supreme Court could reach this issue on the theory that, given the time that it takes for the grand jury to investigate followed by the time that it takes for impeachment, the issue is capable of recurring yet escaping review (as the delay all but guarantees that any president’s term will expire before any future case with similar issues could be resolved).  This exception to mootness probably better applies to the claim that the House and Senate are no longer conducting impeachment proceedings. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court and Trump’s Financial Records

As I noted on Friday, the Supreme Court is nearing the end of its terms and has, at least, two opinion days for this week.  Whether the two days will see all of the opinions or some will be issued after the Independence Day celebrations remains to be seen.

While there are many cases that will have impact long after this year, five cases (representing four argument slots) could directly impact this election.  Two of them — the Faithless Elector cases — are about the election itself.  But the other three — involving the Trump financial records — could shape the campaign.

While, technically, there are three cases, the Supreme Court consolidated argument on the two cases involving subpoenas issued by Congressional committees and are likely to issue one opinion on those two cases.  The other case involves a state grand jury subpoena and will probably result in a separate opinion. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court — The COVID-19 Term (Updated)

In normal years, the Supreme Court would probably have wrapped up business for the term by now.  It has been a long time since the last time that the Supreme Court was still issuing opinions in an argued case after June.  There is still a chance that the Supreme Court might finish this term by June 30, but we are getting mixed messages from the court.  (I do expect to see opinions in all of the cases before the Supreme Court recesses, but there is a chance that some cases could be set for reargument in the fall.)

On the one hand, we have yet to get any opinions from the May arguments.  While the May arguments were two weeks later than the usual time for the April arguments, it is usual to have some of the April opinions by the early part of June.  We also have not seen the pace of opinions pick up.  In the last weeks of the term, it is not unusual to see three or more opinion days per week, and multiple opinions on each opinion day.   At the present time, while we have had second opinion days for the last two weeks, we have only gotten a total of five opinions over the last two weeks (as opposed to the more usual eight to ten opinions per week).  And the Supreme Court has only announced two opinion days for this upcoming week.

On the other hand, the Supreme Court has announced that they will have a conference on Wednesday and release orders on Thursday (rather than the normal Monday order day).  That sounds like Wednesday could be the “wrap-up” conference. Continue Reading...

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DACA

On Thursday, the Supreme Court issued its decision in the Deferred Action on Childhood Arrivals (DACA) case.  There were four basic issues in this case, and the Supreme Court addressed three of them directly.  There was some language that indirectly discussed the fourth issue, but no ultimate decision.   There were three basic groups of votes — two groups of four and a group of one.  As expected, the opinion was written by the Chief Justice.

By way of background, DACA was an Obama-administration program which allowed some individuals who had been brought here illegally as children to apply for deferral of removal for a set period.   One of the benefits of participating in this program was that these immigrants would also gain the right to legally work in the U.S.  Before the end of the Obama Administration, an equivalent program was established for parents (DAPA), but the Republicans managed to get a federal district court in Texas and the Fifth Circuit to block that program, and the Trump Administration withdrew the program.  Part of the complaints had to deal with the work authorization, and the Trump Department of Justice believed that DACA had the same flaw.  As a result, the Trump Department of Homeland Security announced the end of DACA with a wind-down period established (no new application and a limited period in which participants could renew their deferrals).  Cases were then filed challenging this decision under the Administrative Procedure Act (which governs the process of making administrative decisions) and also alleging other flaws in the decision including claims that the decision was motivated by an intent to discriminate against Latinx.

The first issue was a jurisdictional threshold question — was the decision on DACA reviewable under the Administrative Procedure Act.  The Supreme Court rejected the argument that discretionary policies are not reviewable.  While there is a discretionary exception, the Supreme Court found that — in most circumstances — that exception is limited to discretion exercised in an individual case rather than the discretionary decision to establish or end a program.  The Supreme Court found that, while the result of DACA might be individual decisions in individual cases (which would otherwise be discretionary under immigration law), the establishment of a program creating a procedure to seek those individual decisions was subject to review under the APA.  This part of the decision may prove to be big going forward, but it will apply to both executive decisions that are conservative and executive decisions that are progressive. Continue Reading...

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