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Category Archives: Judicial
Equality Maybe?
In a somewhat surprising decision, the United States Supreme Court issued its long awaited decision on Title VII and the LGBTQ community. There were several unexpected things in the opinion. Going in the best bet was that the Supreme Court would find that discrimination against transgender individuals fit the requirement that the discrimination was “on the basis of sex,” but that the Supreme Court would find that “on the basis of sex” did not cover sexual orientation. Second, because of this potential split in the reasoning, there was a good reason to expect two separate opinions, one dealing with the two homosexual employees and one dealing with the transgender employees. Third, as I noted on Saturday, it looked like Chief Justice Roberts would be writing at least one of the opinions.
Instead, what we got was one opinion covering all three cases that sided with the employees. Even more unexpected was that the justice holding the stolen Supreme Court seat — Justice Neal Gorsuch — was the author of the opinion. (Yes, part of me is having thrills of joys at how Trump is going to be able to explain this one to the folks who just voted out a conservative Republican congressman for officiating at a same-sex marriage.) Of course, the opinion was not unanimous, (6-3 with Chief Justice Roberts joining the majority) and two justices (Justice Alito and Justice Kavanaugh) wrote dissents driving the total length of the opinions in this case to 172 pdf pages.
Now for the bad news. First, the dissenters tried to hide their true colors on the issue of equality by painting this case (like the previous decisions in the gay marriage cases) as being about what the law is, not what the law should be. They even went so far as to express the incredible belief that, but for this decision, we are within years of Congress acting to expand anti-discrimination laws to cover sexual orientation, claiming that the Supreme Court was overstepping its bounds by acting. (Of course, they failed to identify the reason why the proposed fix has never managed to get past both houses in the same session — Republican Party control of the other house. See the above-mentioned result this weekend in the nominating convention for Virginia’s Fifth District.)
Also posted in Civil Rights, LGBT
Tagged employment discrimination, Justice Neal Gorsuch, Supreme Court, Title VII
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Roberts’s World
We are entering what would normally be the home stretch of the annual Supreme Court term. And it is becoming relatively clear that most of the major opinions for this term will be coming from Chief Justice John Roberts.
As we have noted in past end-of-term posts, the U.S. Supreme Court attempts to balance the number of lead opinions that each chamber has. This balancing occurs in two ways: within each monthly two-week argument session and over the entire term. For example, if there are ten cases argued during a given month, one justice will be assigned two cases and the other justices will be assigned one case each. And a justice who gets two cases in one month will probably one get one case the next month.
By this time of the term, we usually have enough opinions issued to have a sense (not 100% certain because it is possible that a 5-4 case may flip after the first draft of the tentative majority opinion and the tentative dissent are circulated) of who probably has the case. This year, we have almost all of the cases from October, November, and January and all of the cases from December. While we only have about half of the cases from February (and obviously none from May), the look from the first four arguments is somewhat conclusive.
Tagged Abortion, Consumer Finance Protection Bureau, DACA, Free Exercise Clause, LGBTQ rights, Title VIII
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What about Puerto Rico
June tends to be a flood of major opinions at the U.S. Supreme Court. Before COVID-19, most justices spent July and August giving speeches or teaching seminars abroad for law schools or just taking a summer vacation. Traditionally, that has meant a deadline of July 3 to get everything done. In turn, that means that — besides the cases argued near the end of the term — the justices have to accept that the current drafts on opinions are good enough and another round of changes to the majority opinion and to the other opinions are not going to make the opinions better are change anybody’s mind.
One of the opinions that folks have been waiting for is the case involving Puerto Rico’s finances. Back before the last presidential election, Puerto Rico was in a financial jam. It lacked the power to declare bankruptcy, and the Supreme Court had ruled against the solution that Puerto Rico had devised to get around that problem. So Congress passed a law that created a financial oversight board for Puerto Rico and gave that board the power to take Puerto Rico into bankruptcy.
That law created its own problem. The board was to be appointed by the President (although from lists created by the congressional leadership) without Senate Confirmation. This led to a new case challenging the board’s actions claiming that the structure violated the Appointments Clause of the Constitution. Today, we got the opinions on that case. On the one hand, the Supreme Court was unanimous on the result, holding that the board was validly appointed. But, the Supreme Court split 7-1-1 on the reasoning (explaining why the case has taken so long to resolve). The minor split was between the majority (written by Justice Breyer) and the concurrence (written by Justice Thomas). The majority describes the Appointments Clause as covering officers with federal duties and do not cover territorial officers with local duties. Justice Thomas would prefer to simply distinguish between Article I, Article II, and Article III officers (federal officers subject to the Appointments Clause) and Article IV officers (territorial officers who can be picked in whatever matter Congress designates). At the end of the day, this difference may not alter the result in a single case.
Tagged Puerto Rico
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The Supreme Court and the Affordable Care Act
A continuing story of the past decade has been the multiple rounds of litigation involving the Affordable Care Act. While politicians have been discussing next steps (Medicare for All, Public Option, Repeal & Replace, etc.), businesses and states and other groups have been fighting out particular provisions in the courts. Between this term and the next, there are three significant cases (or sets of cases to be more accurate) involving particular aspects of the Affordable Care Act. One — decided this past week — involved the attempt of Congress to cut off the payments to insurance companies by not appropriating the money for those payments. The second — to be argued in the May teleconference center — is the latest round of the fight over how to cover contraceptives for employees of those who object to contraceptives on moral grounds. The final — probably to be argued after the election — concerns the impact of reducing the penalty for violating the individual mandate to $0.
When the Affordable Care Act passed, it included a provision intended to make participation in the exchanges less risky for insurance companies during a transition period. It did this by creating a mechanism for making payments to insurance companies if the premiums that those companies charged were insufficient to cover claims. This program was funded in part by requiring the insurance companies that overcharged to pay in part of the excess. However, before the transition period ended, Congress — in its annual appropriations bills — expressly barred any tax dollars from being used to cover these payments. The issue in the case was whether — due to the mandate in the Affordable Care Act — the government still owed the insurance companies the money promised by the statutory formula notwithstanding the refusal of Congress to appropriate the money. In an 8-1 decision, the Supreme Court decided that the insurance companies had a legally enforceable claim against the government. While this decision is a small defeat to the Republican attempt to frustrate the working of the Affordable Care Act, the reasoning in the decision may be useful in the much bigger case to be heard next term.
One part of the argument in the forthcoming case is that, by repealing the penalty on the individual mandate, Congress not only repealed the individual mandate but effectively repealed the entire Affordable Care Act. Technically, the argument is that the individual mandate is now unconstitutional (because the Supreme Court upheld it under the taxing power and there is no tax now), and that the rest of the Affordable Care Act is not “severable” from the individual mandate. One of the arguments in the case decided this week was that the language in the appropriations bills barring payments to insurance companies implicitly repealed the mandate for those payments in the Affordable Care Act. In its discussion of that argument, the Supreme Court noted the general rule that courts rarely find that the language in one act constitutes an implied repeal of a different statute. Under this rule, unless the two acts are so contradictory that one must prevail over the other, courts will find ways to give effect to both laws.
Also posted in Healthcare
Tagged Affordable Care Act, Supreme Court
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The COVID Shutdown and the Law
For the past week or so, those who follow the news has been treated to the experience of misinformed Tea Party wannabes protesting that the COVID 19 restrictions adopted by state and local governments are violating their constitutional rights. For those of us who have been following the courts, however, we have seen red state attorney generals winning cases against abortion providers who claim that those restrictions go too far in terms of limiting abortion.
For the most part, the restrictions at issue in these cases have been the limits placed by the various states on “elective” surgical procedures. One example of the red states winning this case came earlier this week in the Eighth Circuit (which covers much of the farm belt in the central part of this country) looking at the restrictions imposed by Arkansas. In the case, the Attorney General of Arkansas (supported by most of the red state Attorney Generals) asked for relief from the trial courts order enjoining the enforcement of this ban on non-emergency surgical abortions. While the application of the law to the case is debatable under the specific facts of the case, the Eighth Circuit was clear on the law that applies to COVID-19 orders.
The basic principle — often repeated by the courts — is that constitutional rights are not absolute. Instead, in some very narrow circumstances, the obligations of government to protect the public can overcome constitutional rights. In cases decided in the late 1800s and early 1900s when local and national epidemics were somewhat common, the United States Supreme Court held that the “liberty secured by the Constitution . . . does not import an absolute right in each person to be, at all times and in all circumstances, wholly freed from restraint.” In particular, “a community has the right to protect itself against an epidemic of disease which threatens the safety of its members.” As such, “the rights of the individual in respect of his liberty may at times, under the pressure of great dangers, be subjected to such restraint, to be enforced by reasonable regulations, as the safety of the general public may demand.”
Supreme Court October 2019 Term — COVID 19 Reset
As with other institutions of government, COVID 19 has caused a degree of chaos in the court system. The judicial system requires a degree of interaction between parties and judges, and social distancing requires finding new ways to handle these interactions.
The Supreme Court, like every other judicial institution, has had to find ways to cope. Of course, the Supreme Court has been a notoriously slow institution to adapt to modern technology. It was the last federal court to accept electronic filing. As recently as a few years ago, everything but emergency petitions were filed by mailing (or having somebody personally deliver them) to the Supreme Court.
As this site has discussed over the years, the Supreme Court is what lawyers call a discretionary court. That means that, with a limited number of exceptions, a party has to request that the Supreme Court take a case (the formal name for the request is a petition for writ of certiorari). The Supreme Court then decides if it wants to hear the case. So most of the decisions of the Supreme Court are decisions to not take a case. There are also two small categories of cases in which the Supreme Court takes and immediately decides the case — both involving a reversal of the lower court. One category is frequently referred to as “grant, vacate, and remand.” Those cases typically involve an issue that the Supreme Court decided while the application for review is pending. In these cases, the Supreme Court grants review, vacates the decision on that issue by the lower court, and remands (sends the case back) for the lower court to reconsider in light of the recently decided Supreme Court case on the issue. The other is summary reversal. These cases typically involve the unanimous conclusion that the lower court simply ignored the prior decisions of the Supreme Court. But every year, the Supreme Court decides that it wants to fully hear approximately 70 cases per year (representing about 1% of the applications that the Supreme Court receives).
Also posted in 2019-nCoV, Civil Rights, LGBT
Tagged Affordable Care Act, Congressional Investigations, Consumer Finance Protection Bureau, Faithless Electors, Free Exercise Clause, Supreme Court, Title VII
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Supreme Court and the Electoral College
It’s been almost twenty years since the last time that the Supreme Court has taken a case involving the electoral college. In fact, you can on one or two hands the number of times that the U.S. Supreme Court has taken a case in which the sole issue was the process of electing the President. (I can count three in the past forty years — one involving the right of the national parties to set the rules for nominating their presidential candidate and the two from 2000 involving the recount in Florida.)
This afternoon, the United States Supreme Court took two cases — Chiafolo vs. Washington from the Washington Supreme Court and Colorado Department of State vs. Baca from the United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit. Both cases involve the state laws governing so-called “faithless electors.”
Now faithless electors are not usually a significant problem. While the laws differ from state-to-state, the general concept is that in every state, there is a slate of candidates for electors associated with each ticket. In the majority of states, the ballot only lists the individuals running for President and Vice-President, but the actual candidates being elected if that ticket wins that state (or in the case of Nebraska and Maine, the individual congressional districts) are the candidates for elector. Each state has a process by which the respective parties nominate the slate of electors — typically either a state party convention or a state party committee. (Obviously, for new parties and independent candidates, the elector candidates are chosen by the people handling the petition to get that party/candidate on the ballot.) The process of filling the slate normally guarantees that the electors are loyal to the state party.
Also posted in Electoral College
Tagged Faithless Electors, Supreme Court
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The Argument That Wasn’t — Will the Supreme Court Address Gun Rights This Term?
When I attended law school, the general consensus of legal scholars and the controlling cases held that the Second Amendment protected a “collective” right rather than an individual right. However, around that time, a movement was starting among conservative interest groups (with some support from conservative scholars) to push the idea that there was an individual aspect to the Second Amendment. The historical argument on this issue is murky due, in large part, to the way that cases were decided pre-1800. About a decade ago, conservatives prevailed (by a 5-4 vote) in having the Supreme Court hold that individuals did have some rights under the Second Amendment and that those rights were “incorporated” against the states by the Fourteenth Amendment. However, to get to five votes, the Supreme Court left unaddressed much of the details about the nature of the right protected by the Second Amendment.
Since the Supreme Court issued its two opinions, lower courts have been handling challenges to individual laws restricting the ability to purchase firearms — some involving the type of gun, some involving who can purchase firearms, and some involving other details. The decisions in these cases have been somewhat narrower than pro-gun activists would like. They have been hoping to get a case to the Supreme Court so that the Supreme Court could establish the legal test that will be applied in Second Amendment cases. Earlier this year, conservatives thought that they had found the perfect test case.
Last January, the Supreme Court granted review in New York Rifle and Pistol Association vs. New York, NY. The case involves a challenge to a New York city ordinance that is very restrictive on where gunowners can take their guns. (Basically, New York State has two types of permits for gun ownership — one only covers general ownership — sometimes referred to as a target license and sometimes referred to as a premises license — and the other permits carrying a weapon — a carry license. The New York City ordinance provided that people who only have the general permit can only take their gun out of their in-city home to go to an in-city gun range and could not take them to a second home outside the city or to an out-of-city gun range.) Seeing the writing on the wall, New York State passed a new gun law that essentially invalidated the New York City ordinance and New York City repealed its ordinance and passed a new one that was significantly less restrictive.
Also posted in Civil Rights
Tagged Gun Control, Second Amendment, Supreme Court
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The Future of DACA
Earlier this month, the Supreme Court held oral arguments on the validity of President Trump’s “decision” to terminate the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program established under President Obama. The program — limited to those brought here as children who meet certain criteria — assures participants that they will not be deported and gives them some legal rights. President Trump — rather due to his opposition to immigrants from Latin America or his hatred for anything that President Obama accomplished — decided to terminate this program, thereby subjecting individuals who were brought here as children without proper documentation to deportation at any time that they are found by Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency regardless of what they have done while living in the United States (either good or bad). Various individual and agencies filed suits challenging this decision, and they prevailed in the lower courts. The Supreme Court decided to hear three of these cases (consolidated into one argument).
Before going into the issues, it is important to note one complicating factor in this case. Before the end of his administration, President Obama tried to create a companion program (DAPA) that would potentially have covered the parents of the participants in DACA. That expansion was blocked in the trial court and by the Fifth Circuit (the appellate court that includes Texas). The Supreme Court took that case, but — after oral argument — Justice Scalia died. That left a 4-4 split on the DAPA case which means that the Supreme Court affirmed the Fifth Circuit without opinion as an “equally divided court.” Because there was no opinion, there is no guidance on any of the relevant legal issues. That absence cuts both ways in the current case.
The Trump Administration has two basic arguments. First, they argue that DACA falls within the “discretionary enforcement” part of executive branch authority. Stripped of legal jargon, agencies have limited resources. As such, they have to make decisions about enforcement priorities and these decisions are generally not reviewable. For example, a state prosecutor’s office in an urban area may decide that it lacks the resources to vigorously prosecute violent felonies and, therefore, decline to file routine misdemeanors believing that it would be a better use of state resources to let city prosecutors handle those matters in city court.
Tagged DACA, Immigration, Supreme Court
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Title VII and Sexual Orientation/Gender Identity — Some Thoughts on the Supreme Court Argument
Most summaries of the Supreme Court arguments on the three Title VII cases on sexual orientation/gender identity reflect that the arguments were a rather convoluted mess. While I have a hunch that we are heading toward a 5-4 decision with the judges splitting on partisan lines, there was enough in the argument to blur the lines as justices seemed to depart from their traditional stances.
One of the big debate in legal fields over the past 100 years is about the theory of “legal realism.” In oversimplified terms, legal realism contends that judges are just politicians wearing robes and that they decide cases based solely on their policy preferences. The alternative theory, as expounded by Chief Justice Roberts during his confirmation hearing, is that judges are just umpires calling the balls and strikes based on rules drawn up by others. In this latter school of thought, judges are trying to interpret the meaning of texts and should not be concerned about the real world consequences of their decisions.
Much of the debate in the ball and strikes theory is about the proper method of interpreting legal texts. In recent years, conservatives have been big on textualism. Textualism posits that words in a text have meaning. If some of the terms are ambiguous, there are rules that can be applied to clarify the text (e.g., by looking at the term in the context of that statute and how that term is used in other similar statutes). The alternative to textualism is often a reference to legislative history, but — as many statutes were written during a time when liberals had the upper hand in Congress — legislative history (primarily the reports summarizing what a bill was intended to achieve) often supported a more liberal result. So conservative judges argued that those reports were never actually approved by Congress and that judges should only look at what Congress actually passed — the statutory language itself.
Also posted in Civil Rights, LGBT
Tagged employment discrimination, gender identity, Sexual Orientation, Supreme Court, Title VII
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