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Category Archives: Judicial
Supreme Court Preview: October 2019 Term (Part IV) (EDIT — 10/5)
As noted in Part I, the Supreme Court has yet to issue the calendar for its January argument session. However, for the first time in several years, the Supreme Court has ten cases left over after the December argument session; so there are enough cases already granted to fill the five days of argument in January 2020. There is a chance that the Supreme Court might bump some of these cases to one of the later argument sessions, but — for each of these cases — it is more likely than not that they will be heard in January.
Among the cases set for argument, you have the following issues: 1) can the beneficiary of a pension plan seek relief for misconduct by the plan managers without first proving that they have suffered actual loss; 2) whether changes to the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (governing when foreign governments can or can’t be sued in U.S. courts) are retroactive; and 3) whether federal employees claiming that the federal government discriminated against them due to age must — similar to private employees — prove that age was a “but for” cause of the adverse employment decision.
There are three potentially big cases for January. First, there is Kelly vs. United States. This is the “bridgegate” case from New Jersey. The ultimate issue is whether a public official who uses false statements to create the pretense that their order to employees is legal is guilty of defrauding the government (by wasting public resources).
Tagged Abortion, Bridgegate, Establishment Clause, Free Exercise Clause, Native American Rights, Supreme Court, unions
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Supreme Court Term Preview: October 2019 (Part III)
As noted in Part I and Part II of this series, there are some very big cases in the first two months of the upcoming Supreme Court term — the applicability of Title VII to sexual orientation and issues related to the board managing Puerto Rico’s debt in October and DACA in November. Likewise, December has a big case — maybe.
That big case — New York State Rifle and Pistol Association vs. City of New York — is currently set on the first day of the December argument session. At issue is a New York City ordinance which limits the transportation of firearms by gunowners. The corporate gun lobby has pushed a Second Amendment challenge to this ordinance. Now, for the catch. When the Supreme Court took this case, New York City and New York State saw the writing on the wall with this Court. The original ordinance probably went too far even for those who want tighter restrictions on the sale of handguns. So New York City repealed the original ordinance and passed a new less restrictive ordinance, and New York State passed legislation clarifying the powers of cities in this matter. Because the ordinance being challenged no longer exists, the City wants the Supreme Court to dismiss the case as there is no longer a live “controversy” — and under the Constitution the Supreme Court can only hear “cases and controversies.” There are exceptions which allow a court to review repealed statutes and, one of the issues at the October 1 term opening conference is whether to dismiss this case or keep it on the calendar for argument.
The second case on December 2 involves how copyright law applies to government documents. Generally speaking, past decisions hold that governments are not allowed to copyright judicial opinions or statutes. So, any person can go to the library (or an internet site) and copy a judicial opinion or a statute and then establish their own internet site (or publish and sell their own books) containing those opinions or statutes. This limitation on government copyrights assure that the public has access to the decisions of their government. One of the things that publishers do to enhance value is create “annotated” copies of statutes — a version in which each statute is followed by a series of notes setting forth the cases that have considered that statute and what those cases have held. For the most part, these annotated versions are created by private companies. Georgia, however, has an official copy of its annotated statutes. The issue is — since a state can’t copyright its statutes or court cases — whether a state can copyright an annotated version of its statutes. Many of the main legal publishing companies have filed briefs generally in support of Georgia (for fear that a holding in favor of the public interest groups in this case might eventually be used to attack their copyrights on their annotations as well).
Also posted in Healthcare
Tagged Affordable Care Act, environmental law, intellectual property, Second Amendment, Supreme Court
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Supreme Court Term Preview — October 2019 (Part II)
As noted in the first part of this series, the highlights of the four-day October argument session are full days devoted to whether the term “sex” in Title VII includes sexual orientation (which might also lead to similar interpretations for other provisions barring discrimination in contexts other than employment) and to the board managing Puerto Rico’s financial issues. With Veteran’s Day falling on a Monday this year, the November session will only have five argument days — the highlight of which will be DACA day.
DACA is not the only immigration issue in the November argument session. The first case to be heard in that session in November 4 — Barton vs. Barr is also an immigration case. That case involves the rules governing deportation. Overly simplified, certain conduct authorize deportation. However, an immigration judge can decide to cancel deportation under some circumstances. One of those circumstances is that the immigrant has been a permanent resident for at least five years and has continuously resided in the United States for seven years. However, for purposes of calculating that time period, that time stops when the immigrant commits an offense that would render them inadmissible. The issue presented in Barton is whether a person who is not seeking admission can be rendered inadmissible. (The paragraph governing “time stops” applies to both the provisions governing lawful permanent residents — who do not need to seek admission — and other immigrants like visa holders who do need to seek admission. That same paragraph also stops the clock from running if the immigrant commits an offense that renders them removable — a concept that would apply to both lawful permanent residents and to visa holders.) There is a logical argument for reading the paragraph in both ways, and this case will give a hint about how strictly this Court will read current immigration laws.
The other case on November 4 is a criminal law — Kansas v. Glover — case involving “reasonable suspicion.” To grossly simplify matters, law enforcement can detain somebody for a brief period to investigate possible criminal activity including traffic offenses if they have “reasonable suspicion” that a crime is being committed. A reasonable suspicion is basically objective reason(s) that lead the officer to believe that a crime might be in progress. Here, the exact issue is whether the fact that the owner of a motor vehicle has a suspended license is a sufficient reason to justify stopping that vehicle to see if the owner is driving. (In this case, the owner was driving, but the issue is not whether the officer was right. Instead, the issue is whether the inference that the owner was driving is a reasonable inference for the officer to make.) As you may have noticed, this case is the third criminal law-related case coming from Kansas. The vast majority of the cases heard by the Supreme Court come from the federal courts. Last year, the Supreme Court only took ten cases from state appellate courts, and — depending upon how you characterize some of the cases — only six involved criminal-law related issues. For the Supreme Court to grant certiorari on three appeals from the same state in the same term is highly unusual and rarely happens even for larger states like Texas and California. For a small state like Kansas, that is highly unusual. On the other hand, Kansas has been gaining a reputation for loosely applying prior Supreme Court decisions (mostly in cases in which the Kansas Supreme Court has found that something about the state’s death penalty system violates the federal constitution), and Kansas has been involved in at least three major Supreme Court cases over the past twenty years.
Tagged Administrative Procedures Act, Clean Waters Act, DACA, Environment, Immigration, Supreme Court
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Supreme Court Term Preview — October 2019 Term (Part I)
It’s that time of year again. October 7 is the First Monday in October meaning that the Justices of the United States Supreme Court will be back in D.C. for another term of arguments. This term is a little bit unusual for recent terms in that — when the Supreme Court had left for the summer — they had already granted review in enough cases to fill the first four (October, November, December, and January) argument sessions. Recently, the Supreme Court has had trouble granting enough cases to fill the first three argument sessions and have had (at most) one or two cases left over for January when they meet at the end of September to begin adding cases.
(For a little explanation of what I mean about argument sessions and filling them. From October through April, the Supreme Court has seven argument sessions. Each session consists of arguments on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday — excluding any federal or religious holidays. A “normal” argument day consists of two arguments on two cases. Ech argument is one hour split evenly between the two-sides although time is often allocated to the Solicitor General to express the government’s position. Typically, there is a two-week gap between each argument session except for longer breaks after the December and maybe January session. A Supreme Court case has two rounds of written arguments. The first round is an application to the Supreme Court to take a case — officially called a petition for writ of certiorari. These pleadings have relatively short page limits and are designed mostly to explain why the case is important enough for the court to take. While there are time limits on these pleadings, the Supreme Court is relatively liberal about granting extensions. If the Supreme Court decides to grant review, there is a second round of written arguments on the merits of the case followed by the oral argument. The time limits to complete the second round of written arguments is approximately 105 days or 10 days before oral argument whichever is earliest — and extensions are almost unheard of. Thus, oral argument has to be at least three months after the case is accepted for full briefing and argument — and four is better. So, any case heard in the first three months has to be accepted before the Supreme Court recesses at the end of June, And once the Supreme Court returns, any January cases have to be accepted by the end of the October session, etc. until all of the cases for this year’s term have to be accepted by the end of the January session. Any case accepted after January is for the next year’s term barring an unusual case in which the Supreme Court orders accelerated briefing like what happened last term on the Census case.)
At this point in time, the Supreme Court has issued its argument calendars for the October, November, and December argument sessions. While it has not yet released the calendar for the January session, it is likely that most of the remaining accepted cases will be heard in January (although some add-ons from cases accepted in October is possible). Each of the first three parts of this series will focus on one argument session with the fourth part focusing on the cases left over for likely January argument and possible cases that might be granted for the rest of the term. Any attempt to guess what is likely to be granted is highly speculative. The Supreme Court accepts about 1% of the cases for actual full review. Even weeding out the significant amount of long shot petitions, the strongest cases have — at most — a 1 in 10 shot at being granted review.
Also posted in Civil Rights, LGBT
Tagged Chief Justice John Roberts, employment discrimination, Justice Anthony Kennedy, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, Puerto Rico, Sexual Orientation, Supreme Court, Title VII
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Judicial Restraint vs. Judicial Activism — Conservative Style
When the Supreme Court was expanding the rights of minorities and women back in 1950-1975, conservatives were strongly emphasizing the need for judicial restraint and condemning the Supreme Court as an activist court. Now that the shoe is on the other foot, we are beginning to see how much conservatives really believe in judicial restraint and how activist they are willing to be to get what they want.
There are several doctrines that courts have traditionally used that “restrain” courts from reaching to strike down laws or at least from striking down more laws than they should. Currently, there is the latest case challenging the Affordable Care Act. This case claims that, when the Republicans passed there tax cut last year, Congress by setting the penalty for not complying with the individual mandate at zero made the entire Affordable Care Act unconstitutional.
To understand the theory, you have to go back to the decision upholding the individual mandate in 2012. Under that decision, the individual mandate was only constitutional because it was a tax. Under the theory being pushed by Republicans, because the tax is now set at zero, the individual mandate is unconstitutional. And the trial court — accepting this theory — found, that because the individual mandate is unconstitutional, the entire act is unconstitutional. This case is currently before the Fifth Circuit and the three-judge panel seemed likely to affirm — at least the finding that the individual mandate is unconstitutional.
Also posted in Healthcare
Tagged Affordable Care Act, Fifth Circuit, Supreme Court
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Update on Missouri’s Anti-choice laws
With so-many Republican-controlled states passing laws designed to make abortion illegal, it’s going to be hard over the next several years to track what is happening with each of these laws as they potentially make their way to the Supreme Court. (And the moderate conservatives are going to try to avoid this issue as long as they can.) But I can, at least, track what is happening at the local level.
Missouri passed one of these laws this year — House Bill 126,
First, some brief background on Missouri’s legislative process. Missouri’ legislature meets in an annual session that runs from early January until mid-May (technically, the session ends at the end of May, but all work on legislation must end by mid-May with the last two weeks for the Speaker/President Pro Tempore to sign the official copies of the bills that pass). The Governor then has until Mid-July to sign or veto the bills (with an earlier deadline for bills passed early in the session). The Missouri Constitution generally treats an unsigned bill as if the Governor had signed it. (In other words, the Governor can’t block a bill by leaving it unsigned.) Generally speaking, new laws take effect on August 28, but — by a two-thirds vote in both Houses — the legislature can agree that there is an “emergency” for having it take effect at a different time.
Also posted in Civil Rights
Tagged Abortion, Louisiana, Missouri, Supreme Court
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Census Update
I am almost reluctant to post this as things are changing daily since the ruling on the 27th.
First, some background. When the Commerce Department first decided to add the question to the Census, cases were filed in multiple districts. (The federal judiciary is divided into districts (the trial courts) and circuits (the appellate courts). Each state has at least one district and the larger states have multiple districts. When a case is filed in a district it is randomly assigned to one of the federal judges appointed for that district). The case before the Supreme Court was a consolidate case filed by two separate sets of plaintiffs in the Southern District of New York which the Supreme Court decided to review before the Second Circuit could. There was also a Ninth Circuit case arising from the Northern District of California that the Supreme Court was holding and a Fourth Circuit case from the District of Maryland. While all of these cases challenged the decision to add the citizenship question to the census, each set of plaintiffs raised different legal arguments.
In its decision on June 27, the Supreme Court split into three general groups — one holding that the question was valid, one holding that the question was not supported by the evidence, and a third group composed of one justice — Chief Justice Roberts. Because the other two groups had four justices each, Chief Justice Roberts had the deciding vote. And he decided that while the record might have supported some reasons for adding the citizenship question to the census, the reason given by the Commerce Department for the question was a lie. Based on this conclusion, the Chief Justice sent the case back to the Second Circuit to send it back to the trial court to strike the question from the census but also send the issue back to the Commerce Department to give the Commerce Department the opportunity to reconsider the matter and — if the Department opted to reinstate the question — give a valid reason. The Supreme Court, by order, directed the Ninth Circuit to consider the Supreme Court’s ruling in its decision on its case.
Tagged 2020 Census
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The Supreme Court and Republican Lies
As we approach Independence Day, I tend to listen to my version of patriotic songs. One of those songs is a Crosby, Stills, Nash, and Young track that they labeled as “49 Bye-Byes/America’s Children” (basically a modified live version of the Buffalo Springfield song “For What It Is Worth” a/k/a “There’s Something Happening Here” with an intro.) Thursday’s Supreme Court Opinions brought to mind that intro — “Forty-nine reasons all in a line. All of them good ones. All of them lies.”
The most prominent example of this concept is the decision in the Commerce Department case concerning the census question. The ultimate decision in this case was a 4-1-4 split. On the one side, you had the four most conservative members of the Supreme Court. These four did not care to look at the truthfulness of the reasons given for asking a citizenship question on the 2020 census. It was enough that they thought that it was possible to make an argument with a sort of straight face that those reasons would justify adding the question to the census. The four most liberal members thought that it was clear that the Administration had a solution designed to achieve a political end and went searching for a problem that would justify their proposal. The deciding vote was Chief Justice Roberts who continued a history of occasionally throwing liberals a bone while pushing a conservative agenda. Because he had the four conservative justices joining him on the conservative part of the opinion and the liberal justices joining him on the liberal part of the opinion, the Chief Justice’s opinion is an opinion of the “Court” (i.e. it had five votes, so it is precedent for lower courts).
The Chief Justice’s opinion first gives this Administration broad authority to act. It finds few if any limits on the Census Bureau’s ability to place questions on the census in the statutes governing the census. It also recognizes that the Census Bureau is entitled to use the census to obtain whatever information the Census Bureau (or the Commerce Secretary) deems is useful. It also gives broad authority to the Commerce Secretary to determine what weight to put on the information developed by the experts in evaluating the potential questions. So even though the best characterization of the record is that the question is likely to interfere with the primary goal of the census (an accurate enumeration of all people in the United States), the Commerce Secretary has the power to disregard that evidence as “speculative.”
Also posted in Elections
Tagged 2020 Census, partisan gerrymander, Supreme Court
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Supreme Court — The Final Push
We are down to the last two (probably) opinion days of the term. We know that the Supreme Court will be issuing opinions tomorrow (Wednesday). More likely than not, the last opinion day will be Thursday, but there is still a possibility that it might be on Friday or there could be opinion days on both Thursday and Friday. For the past several opinion days, there have been four opinions per day which would imply only two opinion days but things could change.
Besides continuing the pace of four opinions per day, Monday was a day of follow-up cases with the two biggest opinions being Brunetti and Davis. Brunetti involved the law on registering trademarks, in particular a provision barring the registration of immoral or scandalous trademarks. Following up on Tam which had struck down a provision barring the registration of disparaging trademarks, the Supreme Court unanimously struck down the bar on immoral trademarks and by a 6-3 vote struck down the bar on scandalous trademarks (although some justices suggested Congress might be able to adopt a narrower bar on profane trademarks that might survive review). Davis involved the “residual clause” — a clause placed in several criminal and immigration laws as a catch-all to the definition of violent crimes which includes crimes that by their nature involve a substantial risk of the use of physical force. In several previous cases, the Supreme Court has found that particular versions of this clause were “void for vagueness.” In Davis, the Supreme Court struck down the residual clause in the statute barring the use of firearms in a violent crime.
With eight cases left, the tea leaves are becoming clearer. And that is generally not good news. We have one case left from each of the December, January, and February argument sessions. There are three cases left from March (although it is possible that the two partisan gerrymandering cases will be consolidated). Finally, there are two cases left from April.
Tagged 2020 Census, Partisan Gerrymandering, redistricting, Supreme Court
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Supreme Court — Eight Down, Twelve to Go
On Thursday and Friday, the Supreme Court issued eight opinions in cases. That leaves twelve cases still pending (including the two partisan gerrymander cases from March and the census case from April) heading into the last week. Given that the Supreme Court has been issuing four opinions per day, it is likely that they will be adding two more opinion days to Monday’s opinion/order day.
The big story of this term continues to be that know precedent is safe from reconsideration by the “conservative” majority. In four separate cases, there was a suggestion that the governing case be overruled or, at least, substantially modified.
Gundy involved a provision of the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act. The provision occurs in the section governing when individuals subject to the Act need to register. The other provisions in this section dictate when new offenders have to register. The questioned provision leaves it up to the Attorney General to establish the rules for when prior offenders have to register. For the first time in decades, the Supreme Court was considering whether such a delegation violated the non-delegation doctrine (barring giving legislative power to an executive official). Prior to 1940, this doctrine was used to undermine the early regulatory agencies. Currently, the rule is that — as long as the statute granting the power to adopt regulations contains some “intelligible principle” — the delegation is merely about how to implement the legislative scheme and is valid. This case resulted in a 4-1-3 split (as it was argued in the first week of October before Justice Kavanaugh joined the Supreme Court). The four in the majority found — given the rest of the act and the rest of the section — that the Act had the goal of eventually requiring all sex offenders to register and that the delegation to the Attorney General was merely to establish the timing of when prior offenders would have to register. The three in the dissent declined to infer such a principle — broadly reaffirming the validity of the non-delegation doctrine and strictly reading the requirement for an “intelligible principle.” The fifth vote in the majority came from Justice Alito who indicated that he wanted to reconsider the last eighty years of cases on the non-delegation doctrine and only voted in the majority because there are worse examples than the Act. (Basically a dissenting opinion styled as concurring in the judgment because a 4-4 vote would have resulted in an order showing the lower court affirmed by an equally divided court without opinions setting the stage for a drastic revision of the non-delegation doctrine once Justice Kavanaugh is able to sit on one of these cases (which may take some time as many of the regulatory cases come from the D.C. Circuit). Only time will tell what these revisions might mean for the Securities Exchange Commission, the Environmental Protection Agency, the Food and Drug Agency, and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.
Tagged Census, non-delegation doctrine, partisan gerrymander, Supreme Court, Takings Clause
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