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Tag Archives: Chevron deference
Supreme Court October Term 2021 — Part II
Last week, we took a look at the upcoming Supreme Court Term with a focus on the cases scheduled for the October and November argument sessions. This week, we take a look at the cases set for December and those with no argument date yet (most likely January) with some comments on pending applications.
The big case on the December docket is Hobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization — the Mississippi abortion case. Putting the media hype to the side, the technical issue is “whether all pre-viability prohibitions on elective abortions are unconstitutional.” Roe and Casey both allow some pre-viability restrictions on abortion. What they do not allow is a pre-viability ban on all abortions. The real issue for this case will be how the majority tries to chip away at Roe and Casey to allow more restrictions on abortion. My expectation is for some plurality opinion written by the Chief Justice or Justice Kavanaugh that makes it likely that the lower courts will nominally uphold Roe and strike down this statute while making it easier for states to regulate abortion in ways that will make it harder for women to get abortions in red states.
There are a couple of cases involving Medicare reimbursements. One of these two cases involves issues of Chevron deference — the principle that, if a statute is ambiguous, courts should defer to the interpretation made by agency charged with applying the statute. Conservatives have been chipping away at Chevron deference for many years. The typical approach has been to use the tools of statutory construction to find that the statute is not ambiguous. In this approach, Chevron deference is a tie-breaker at the end of the interpretive process, and you rarely get a tie at the end of the interpretive process.
Posted in Judicial
Also tagged Abortion, Free Exercise Clause, Immigration, Supreme Court
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Judge Gorsuch and Same Sex Bathrooms
While, for the most part, Judge Gorsuch reflects the views of the current conservative legal establishment (which is substantially more conservative today than it was thirty years ago), one of the areas in which he stands out is his view on the scope of regulatory authority. Current case law is mostly bounded in the reality of current politics. Some conservatives want courts to disrupt the way things currently operate.
Currently, Congress tends to write broad statutes establishing programs or general rules for some type of activity. Congress then delegates responsibility for filling in the details to some department or agency. To use health care as an example, such an approach keeps legislation relatively simple and prevents it from being bogged down in the tiny details (should there be a copay for vaccines, do policies have to cover erectile disfunction or contraceptives). Additionally, leaving the details for the regulatory agency makes it easier to adjust to changes — as new drugs are discovered, the agency can adjust the list of covered drugs to reflect those new drugs. The best example of this process of adjustment is in the case of pollution where the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act both allow the EPA to regulate new pollutants upon determining that the evidence demonstrates that a previously unregulated substance is a pollutant.
Current case law supports the ability to operate in this way through three doctrines. First is the current limited version of the non-delegation doctrine. Back before the New Deal, the courts regularly struck down regulations on the theory that Congress had improperly delegated legislative authority to the executive branch. Current law permits such delegation as long as the statute gives sufficient guidance to the administrative agency. While sufficient is somewhat in the eye of the beholder, most courts only require very broad guidance.
Posted in Civil Rights, Judicial
Also tagged Neil Gorsuch, non-delegation doctrine, Title IX
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Immigration Kerflufle
We knew the policy was coming. We should have guessed that Trump would botch it — both in terms of the actual policy and in terms of how it was implemented. Now, we have a fustercluck of a “temporary” Arab ban policy. There are potential legal issues involved which I will discuss below. As a major cautionary note, I don’t do immigration law. Despite what the U.S. Supreme Court may think, those of us who deal in ordinary criminal law don’t really get the nuances of immigration law nor all of the technical terms involved.
Before turning to the potential legal challenges, what has happened over the past five days is exactly why there are usual procedures for issuing executive orders. While Trump would probably have still tended toward the outrageous in this policy, some of the problems might have been avoided if things had been handled better. Instead, we have a policy statement masquerading as a policy.
Normally before an executive order is released, the White House staff has consulted with the effected agencies — here, State, Homeland Security, I.C.E., U.S.C.I.S., and T.S.A. — to get their input and make sure that everyone is on the same page at the time of implementation. Additionally, the Office of Legal Counsel typically has gone through the order to make sure that it is legally defensible — not necessarily a winning defense, but at least no glaring fatal flaws for which there is not even a colorable defense — and clearly sets forth the policy.
Posted in Civil Rights, Donald Trump, The Politics of Hate
Also tagged Due Process, Immigration, Visas
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