Tag Archives: Gun Control

Mythbuster 101

The Republican Party likes its myths.  Tell a nice anecdotal story (which doesn’t even have to be true), pretend that it expresses a universal truth, and watch it take root in the base so that there is no pressure to fix what is really broken.

Myth #1 — Gun control rules in Democratic cities have not prevented those cities from having high homicide rates.  This one is less myth than simple distortion.  First, most larger cities have Democratic mayors.  So it’s hard to find Republican-controlled cities for comparison.  Second, it’s universally true (not just an American fact) that increased population (and increased population density) means more crime.  When you look at crime rates and violent crime rates, the cities with gun control actually fare relatively well.  Third, in the U,S, legal system, it is very easy to evade city restrictions.  You just need to travel to the suburbs  to get your gun.  And the open borders mean that there is no check at the city line to prevent the importation of guns into the  city.  Lastly, the penalties for violating a city ordinance are relatively minor.  In short, local gun control ordinances appear to have some effect, but such ordinances are no substitute for federal legislation.

Of course, passing anything through Congress is hard.  One proposal that I have seen that might bear some fruit is the concept of breaking down the current proposals into separate bills.  When you have a complex bill, it is easy for the Members from the Party of GnOP to say they are voting no based on one provision.  If you make them vote on each proposal separately, they will have to take a stand on each proposal rather than relying on the most controversial provision to justify killing the bill.  While the Democrats probably have the votes in the House to pass the full program, they don’t have the votes in the Senate.  Making forty-one Republicans have to vote against each of twenty or thirty proposals that have the support of 70% of the American voters might just move the needle in some swing states and districts. Continue Reading...

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Senate Bill 8 and the Supreme Court

This week, the Supreme Court will take up issues related to Texas’s new abortion law — Senate Bill 8.  There are several key things to know about this case.

First, this case has been expedited.  The Supreme Court turned down the request for a stay and granted review on the  “merits” on October 22.  The  Supreme Court ordered the parties to file the written arguments on the merits by October 27.  The Supreme Court will be hearing argument on November 1, just ten days after granting review.  By contrast, the “normal” schedule set forth in the rules (which is typically condensed somewhat for cases in which review is granted between October and January) establishes a minimum of 115 days between the grant of review and argument.  This expedited hearing, probably represents a compromise between the Justices that wanted to reinstate the trial court’s stay of the law and those that wanted to take this case in the ordinary course of Supreme Court review.

Second, the Supreme Court permitted the parties to bypass the Court of Appeals.  While the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals (covering Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas) has issued rulings on the stay entered by the trial court, it has not yet ruled on the merits of the case.  The Rules of the Supreme Court permit parties to ask to bypass the appellate court (a petition for certiorari before judgment), but the Supreme Court rarely grants that request.  Again, this decision probably represents a compromise between those that wanted to grant the stay (which would have been in effect until the Fifth Circuit decided the case) and those that wanted things to proceed in the ordinary course of review.   It may also reflect the view that the Supreme Court has of the Fifth Circuit.  There are several circuits known for their tendencies in litigation.  There are three or four perceived to be ultra liberal with the Supreme Court needing to frequently correct them.  The Fifth Circuit has the same reputation for being ultra conservative and has been frequently reversed on abortion cases.  Given this reputation, the Supreme Court may have decided that there was no need to see what the Fifth Circuit would write. Continue Reading...

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The Argument That Wasn’t — Will the Supreme Court Address Gun Rights This Term?

When I attended law school, the general consensus of legal scholars and the controlling cases held that the Second Amendment protected a “collective” right rather than an individual right.  However, around that time, a movement was starting among conservative interest groups (with some support from conservative scholars) to push the idea that there was an individual aspect to the Second Amendment.  The historical argument on this issue is murky due, in large part, to the way that cases were decided pre-1800.  About a decade ago, conservatives prevailed (by a 5-4 vote) in having the Supreme Court hold that individuals did have some rights under the Second Amendment and that those rights were “incorporated” against the states by the Fourteenth Amendment.  However, to get to five votes, the Supreme Court left unaddressed much of the details about the nature of the right protected by the Second Amendment.

Since the Supreme Court issued its two opinions, lower courts have been handling challenges to individual laws restricting the ability to purchase firearms — some involving the type of gun, some involving who can purchase firearms, and some involving other details.  The decisions in these cases have been somewhat narrower than pro-gun activists would like.  They have been hoping to get a case to the Supreme Court so that the Supreme Court could establish the legal test that will be applied in Second Amendment cases.  Earlier this year, conservatives thought that they had found the perfect test case.

Last January, the Supreme Court granted review in New York Rifle and Pistol Association vs. New York, NY.  The case involves a challenge to a New York city ordinance that is very restrictive on where gunowners can take their guns.  (Basically, New York State has two types of permits for gun ownership — one only covers general ownership — sometimes referred to as a target license and sometimes referred to as a premises license — and the other permits carrying a weapon — a carry license.  The New York City ordinance provided that people who only have the general permit can only take their gun out of their in-city home to go to an in-city gun range and could not take them to a second home outside the city or to an out-of-city gun range.)  Seeing the writing on the wall, New York State passed a new gun law that essentially invalidated the New York City ordinance and New York City repealed its ordinance and passed a new one that was significantly less restrictive. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court — End of Term

The Supreme Court recessed for the summer after their last conference (the wrap-up conference) on Monday afternoon.  After the order from that conference was issued on Tuesday morning, the Supreme Court has filled twenty-nine of the thirty argument slots for the fall.  (A little below average as they normally have some carry-over for the January argument session. )

Monday featured three significant opinions — the Texas abortion case, Governor McDonnell’s corruption case, and an interesting case involving gun control and domestic violence.  These cases saw some interesting combinations of Justices as very different judicial philosophies combine to reach the same result.

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