Tag Archives: Immigration

Immigration

The Republicans have made immigration a big issue in the past several election cycles.  When Democrats were in the White House, Democrats had an incentive to reach a global agreement with Republicans to try to fix a broken system.  Trump, however, has zero interest in fixing the system.  He wants mass deportations.  Democrats have no incentive to cooperate with this concept of a plan.

The important thing to understand is that there is not a single immigration problem.  There are multiple immigration problems.

The one of least concern to Republicans is with the legal immigration system.  Depending on job skills and country of origin, a potential immigrant can be on a waiting list for several years.  People who think they would be better off in the U.S. but are being told to wait six or seven years are likely to try other, not legal, methods to get to the U.S. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court Preview — Part 1 — October and November Arguments

We are three weeks away from the start of the new Supreme Court term.  While the Supreme Court (specifically Chief Justice john Roberts) tries to present itself as outside of politics, the reality is that some members of the Supreme Court encourage politically controversial cases.  Even without such efforts, courts have become the first resort for people who do not like political decisions.

As of this point in the year, the Supreme Court has announced the cases that it will be hearing in its October and November argument sessions.  It has also taken some other cases for argument, but it has not yet scheduled them for argument.  (More on how argument works and how cases are taken are in an “appendix” at the end of this post.)

The first potentially controversial case of the term is the “ghost guns” case — Garland vs. VanDerStok.  The issue in this case is whether the regulations that the ATF has proposed for ghost guns (guns which are assembled from parts by the user) is consistent with the federal statutes on firearms.  As we have seen last year with the bump stock case and others, the Supreme Court has taken the position that it will determine whether proposed regulations are consistent with statutes and it tends to strictly interpret the firearms statutes in a way that makes it hard for ATF to keep pace with changes in the gun market.  This case will be heard on October 8 — the second day of the term. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court Miscellaneous — First Amendment, Marriage, and Immigration

Because the Supreme Court has a self-imposed deadline for getting opinions done (which is sort of a good thing or otherwise you could have an extended back and forth between the majority and the dissent on major cases), the end of the term sees a lot of cases handed down at roughly the same time.  And that means that some important cases get lost in the shuffle behind the very important cases.

This week, we had nine opinions over two days (and we are likely to get twelve opinions over three days at the end of the week).  Yesterday I posted about the latest Second Amendment case and about a constitutional taxation case (which we almost never get).  In the absence of a big political issue, I avoid commenting on the criminal law cases and we had four criminal law cases that matter greatly to those of us who handle these cases), and the periodic dispute over water rights case between states (of which we had one this week) are usually highly fact specific with little impact other than which state is getting screwed.

That leaves two other cases of interest.  The first one is a Section 1983 case.  Section 1983 is one of those statutes enacted under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment, and it gives private individuals the right to sue government employees who violate the plaintiff’s constitutional rights.  Most of the cases that make it to the Supreme Court arise in the context of police actions — allegedly unlawful searches, unlawful arrests, unlawful detentions, police brutality.  For arrests and detentions, the Supreme Court has long applied an objective test.  If there was probable cause to arrest, that defeats the claim regardless of the motivation of the officer.  The Supreme Court has recognized a limited exception when the alleged motivation is the exercise of First Amendment rights by the Plaintiff.  In that circumstance, the question becomes whether the plaintiff can show that, but for, the protected conduct of the Plaintiff, no arrest would have been made. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court Update — Appropriations and Redistricting

We are at that point of the Supreme Court terms when we are waiting for the other shoe to drop.  All the arguments and briefing for the term is done, and what is left is for the opinions to slowly drip out.  For now, the Supreme Court is only holding one opinion day per week.  That will be changing soon.

In May, we tend to get the older cases (October, November, and December) that have multiple opinions and newer cases (March and April) that were “easy” unanimous decisions.  As we get later into June, we will get the 5-4 decisions from February, March, and April, and the number of cases will pick up.

So far, in May, there have been three opinion days (with one more set for this Thursday).  On those opinion days, we have gotten, two, three, and three opinions.  With eight opinions down, we still have approximately thirty-five opinions (approximately because there are a few cases that could be consolidated) left to come over the next five weeks.  That number is why we are likely to get multiple opinion days per week in the latter part of June as we need nine to twelve opinion days. Continue Reading...

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Immigration Week at the Supreme Court

While the timing of the release of cases by the Supreme Court is somewhat random, ocassionally, we get several unrelated cases in the same area of law.  This week, out of eight cases released by the Supreme Court, three were somewhat significant immigration cases.

The most favorable for immigrants, and the one most likely to be significant for other areas of law was United States vs. Texas. The basic facts of this case is that the law on immigration mandates that the government pursue “removal” (i.e. deportation) against a wide range of immigrants — both those who unlawfully entered the U.S. (or unlawfully remained after their authorization expired) and those who have engaged in some act which justifies terminating the authorization to remain in the U.S.  The problem is that  (as is true for other areas of criminal and civil law enforcement) enforcing the law takes resources.  You need agents to investigate, attorney to handle the cases on behalf of the U.S., and judges to hear the cases once they are brought. And Congress is only willing to budget for a certain number of agents, attorneys, and immigration judges.  Thus, the enforcement agency (Immigrations and Customs Enforcement which is part of the Department of Homeland Security) has to set priorities.  In setting priorities, it is conceivable that an agency could pursue a “first in” policy in which it pursues all cases in the order in which they come in.  But that creates a never ending backlog in which the most serious cases get delayed.  On the other hand, the government can decide which casses qualify as the “most serious” and let “minor” cases slide.  Every administration for the past fifty years has set (and over the course of the administration adjusted) its own priorities.

In the past, states have typically recognized that federal government decisions are federal government decisions and that the states have no authority to challenge the decisions.  But in recent years, state Attorney Generals have switched from building up their reputation via criminal cases to filing frivolous claims against the federal government.  So today, every decision made by the federal government inevitably results in Attorney Generals of the other party filing a suit on behalf of their state.  And thus, when the Biden Administration implemented its priorities for enforcing immigration law, red state Attorney Generals led by accused felon Ken Paxton, Attorney General of Texas, filed suit claiming that the policy was improperly adopted (claiming that such a directive needed to be adopted through the same process as a formal regulation) and failed to comply with the statutory mandate.  Because this case was filed in federal court in Texas (heard by a very Trumpy judge) and appealed to the Fifth Circuit, the lower courts were more than willing to grant relief to Texas and bar the Biden priorities.  The United States Supreme Court reversed finding that the states lacked “standing” (or in plain English, the right to sue).   Stripped to its essence, the Supreme Court found that, while the failure to more vigorously enforce immigration laws might, in some way, harm the states, finding that the government’s priorities were in some sense wrong would not eliminate the harm.  In short, enforcement priorities are inherently a matter of discretionary decision making by the Executive branch and it would be improper for the courts to interfere with that discretionary authority. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court — Two Weeks to Go

We are now down to two weeks left before the effective end of this year’s Supreme Court term.  (Officially, the term ends at the start of October when the next term begins.  But the Supreme Court usually issues all of its opinions before the Fourth of July and only handles emergency matters in July, August, and September.)  As was noted in the post two weeks ago, there are some unwritten rules regarding how the workload is distributed among the justices which makes it possible (not easy but possible) to speculate about who might have which cases.

One complicating factor in this year’s term (as discussed two weeks ago and last week) is that we do not know how many written opinions we are getting this term.  There are three ways that we could end up with fewer opinions:  1) in related cases, the Supreme Court could “consolidate” the cases and issue one opinion covering both cases (this normally happens before argument, but can happen when opinions are assigned); 2) in related cases, the Supreme Court could decide to issue a signed opinion in one case and an unsigned opinion in the other case; and 3) the Supreme Court can dismiss a case after argument.  We have already seen all three possibilities occur this term.  We could have up to eighteen opinions still to come this term.  At the present time, we know that we will have two opinion days this upcoming week.  In last week’s two opinion days, we only get five opinions, but we got six opinions on one day back in May.  My hunch says that we are likely looking at two or three opinion days the week of June 26, but the Supreme Court tends to keep that information closely held and it tends to not announce the last opinion day until the next-to-last opinion day.

How many opinions we have left matters because the Supreme Court tends to try to keep the workload balanced.  If we have eighteen opinions left, there will be fifty-six total opinions for the term which would mean that every justice would have six opinions with two justices getting seven opinions.  But it is possible that some of the remaining cases could have no opinion.  While, due to Justice Jackson recusing in the Harvard case, it is unlikely that the two Affirmative Action cases will be consolidated, it is easy to see a signed opinion in the North Carolina case and an unsigned opinion in the Harvard case.  We could see a consolidated opinion in the student loan forgiveness cases.  And everyone is expecting a dismissal in the North Carolina redistricting case. Continue Reading...

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Title 8 vs. Title 42 — A Brief Primer on Immigration Law

This past week, the expiration of “Title 42” was a big headline in the news.  And, while it is too soon to be sure, it is likely that the expiration may end up being a tempest in a tea pot (not that the MAGA folks will ever admit this reality).  But to the extent that this comes up as a topic, here is some basic (admittedly oversimplified) immigration law for non-lawyers.

One of the major development in law in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century was the Napoleonic Code in France.  Prior to Napoleon, when laws were enacted, they were recorded and published.  But you would need to search through every annual volume to see what the statutes were on any given topic.  The concept behind the Napoleonic Code was that in addition to the annual volumes of that year’s new statute, there would also be a collection organized by topic of the current laws in effect on a topic.  It took time for the idea to catch on her, but eventually, the U.S. organized its laws into the U.S. Code.

But there is one problem with the code system — where do you place a law in the code that impacts multiple topics.  When it comes to immigration law, most laws impacting immigration are found in Title 8 — the part of the U.S. Code governing immigration and naturalization.  However, there is also a title of the U.S. Code (Title 18) that contains most of the federal criminal statutes — which is why there are some things that are not allowed by Title 8 which are simply improper immigration and not criminal.  And for this discussion, there is Title 42 which contains laws related to Public Health and Welfare. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court — October Term 2022 Preview (Part 2)

The Supreme Court begins its annual term this upcoming Monday, October 3.  Unofficially, the term begins later today when the Supreme Court holds its opening conference (at which it will start selecting the cases that will start to fill out its January and February argument sessions).  In Part 1, we covered the cases that have been scheduled for argument in October and November.  In this post, we will cover the cases that were previously accepted for argument back in the Spring but which have yet to be assigned to an argument docket (as of yesterday).  Any day now, we should have a list of the December cases (which will actually begin on November 28 and be half in November and half in December).

Percoco vs. United States and Ciminelli vs. United States are related cases involving bidding fraud and government contracting.  One aspect of the cases is whether a lobbyist with political connections (here a former campaign manager) can be found guilty for “honest services fraud” (a means of holding elected officials liable for their part in going along with fraud).

Moore vs. Harper may be the biggest election law case of the term.  The Constitution grants initial power over federal elections to state legislatures.  The two elections clauses — one for congressional elections and one for the choosing of presidential elections — have typically been interpreted as referring to the state legislative power rather than specific bodies (recognizing that, even in the 1780s, there were differences between the states in how they structured their governments).  This traditional interpretation recognized that the people of the states had the authority to enact restrictions on election laws in their state constitutions.  In recent years, conservatives have come up with the “independent state legislature” theory.  Under this theory, the federal elections clauses granted power to the state legislatures that are beyond the control of state constitutions and state laws and rules.  In relevant part, absent an express grant in the state election laws, this theory contends that state courts may not invalidate state elections laws related to federal elections based on state constitutions and that state executive branch officials may not deviate from the express commands in those state elections laws.  This case arises in the context of congressional redistricting, but the theory of the North Carolina legislature would open up a convoluted mess of when a court or an election authority is merely interpreting the relevant state statues and when they are altering it. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court October Term 2021 — Part II

Last week, we took a look at the upcoming Supreme Court Term with a focus on the cases scheduled for the October and November argument sessions.  This week, we take a look at the cases set for December and those with no argument date yet (most likely January) with some comments on pending applications.

The big case on the December docket is Hobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization — the Mississippi abortion case.  Putting the media hype to the side, the technical issue is “whether all pre-viability prohibitions on elective abortions are unconstitutional.”   Roe and Casey both allow some pre-viability restrictions on abortion.  What they do not allow is a pre-viability ban on all abortions.  The real issue for this case will be how the majority tries to chip away at Roe and Casey to allow more restrictions on abortion.  My expectation is for some plurality opinion written by the Chief Justice or Justice Kavanaugh that makes it likely that the lower courts will nominally uphold Roe and strike down this statute while making it easier for states to regulate abortion in ways that will make it harder for women to get abortions in red states.

There are a couple of cases involving Medicare reimbursements.  One of these two cases involves issues of Chevron deference — the principle that, if a statute is ambiguous, courts should defer to the interpretation made by agency charged with applying the statute.  Conservatives have been chipping away at Chevron deference for many years.  The typical approach has been to use the tools of statutory construction to find that the statute is not ambiguous.  In this approach, Chevron deference is a tie-breaker at the end of the interpretive process, and you rarely get a tie at the end of the interpretive process. Continue Reading...

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Census Shenanigans

In theory, a President is still President with the full powers of the office until the last second of the term.  In practice, the powers of a president in the last weeks in office are somewhat limited.  Any legislative priorities that could not get through the previous Congress are unlikely to be rushed through by the new Congress.  (In fact, most times, Congress will spend much of the seventeen days between January 3 and January 20 in the necessary work of organizing rather than focusing on legislation.)

On the foreign policy front, it doesn’t take a Michael Flynn violating the law for our allies and adversaries to know that any decision made by the outgoing president can be quickly reversed by the new president.  In short, the outgoing president really is unable to make the type of long-term commitment that would encourage another country to make a deal.

So that leaves a president with actions that can be taken by the president alone.  Not surprisingly, the typical president is giving final approval to regulations and giving pardons and commuting sentences.  The enactment (or repeal) of regulations is a time-consuming process under the Administrative Procedure Act, and the new Administration is unable to simply set aside the last minute regulations.  (In part to deal with this problem, it is possible for Congress to reject these regulations.)  And a pardon or commutation is irreversible. Continue Reading...

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