Tag Archives: standing

Supreme Court — Mifepristone

Thursday saw the first of two opinions on abortion — Food and Drug Administration vs. Alliance for Hippocratic (sic) Medicine.  The Alliance, a misnamed far-right group of doctors worked out a plan to belatedly challenge the FDAs various approvals of mifepristone — a drug commonly used for “medical abortions.”  The existence of this drug imposes a substantial barrier to far right attempts to eliminate abortions.

So conservative activists, represented by Mrs. Senator Hawley, went to their favorite one-judge division controlled in Amarillo, Texas to assure that their case would be heard by the “judge” that they put on the bench who agrees with their lawless approach to abortion.  While this judge gave the hypocritic doctors everything that they want, the Fifth Circuit cut back that ruling — holding that the challenge to the original approval of mifepristone came too late but upholding the judge’s decision to substitute his opinion of the medical facts about the risks associated with mifepristone by the medical experts at the FDA on the more recent changes by the FDA on the precautions that needed to be taken in prescribing mifepristone.

In a unanimous opinion (but with Justice Thomas writing a concurring opinion), Justice Brett Kavanaugh vacated the decisions of the trial judge and the Fifth Circuit.  But, as was always likely with this current batch of justices, the Supreme Court declined to uphold the FDA’s decisions.  Instead, they found that the Alliance and its members lacked standing to bring the case.  For non-lawyers, standing is the legal requirement that a party must be personally harmed by the defendant’s actions, and that you can’t just bring a case because you don’t like what the defendant is doing.  There were certain different theories raised by the Alliance that gave them adequate harm, but the Supreme Court found that none were legally valid. Continue Reading...

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Immigration Week at the Supreme Court

While the timing of the release of cases by the Supreme Court is somewhat random, ocassionally, we get several unrelated cases in the same area of law.  This week, out of eight cases released by the Supreme Court, three were somewhat significant immigration cases.

The most favorable for immigrants, and the one most likely to be significant for other areas of law was United States vs. Texas. The basic facts of this case is that the law on immigration mandates that the government pursue “removal” (i.e. deportation) against a wide range of immigrants — both those who unlawfully entered the U.S. (or unlawfully remained after their authorization expired) and those who have engaged in some act which justifies terminating the authorization to remain in the U.S.  The problem is that  (as is true for other areas of criminal and civil law enforcement) enforcing the law takes resources.  You need agents to investigate, attorney to handle the cases on behalf of the U.S., and judges to hear the cases once they are brought. And Congress is only willing to budget for a certain number of agents, attorneys, and immigration judges.  Thus, the enforcement agency (Immigrations and Customs Enforcement which is part of the Department of Homeland Security) has to set priorities.  In setting priorities, it is conceivable that an agency could pursue a “first in” policy in which it pursues all cases in the order in which they come in.  But that creates a never ending backlog in which the most serious cases get delayed.  On the other hand, the government can decide which casses qualify as the “most serious” and let “minor” cases slide.  Every administration for the past fifty years has set (and over the course of the administration adjusted) its own priorities.

In the past, states have typically recognized that federal government decisions are federal government decisions and that the states have no authority to challenge the decisions.  But in recent years, state Attorney Generals have switched from building up their reputation via criminal cases to filing frivolous claims against the federal government.  So today, every decision made by the federal government inevitably results in Attorney Generals of the other party filing a suit on behalf of their state.  And thus, when the Biden Administration implemented its priorities for enforcing immigration law, red state Attorney Generals led by accused felon Ken Paxton, Attorney General of Texas, filed suit claiming that the policy was improperly adopted (claiming that such a directive needed to be adopted through the same process as a formal regulation) and failed to comply with the statutory mandate.  Because this case was filed in federal court in Texas (heard by a very Trumpy judge) and appealed to the Fifth Circuit, the lower courts were more than willing to grant relief to Texas and bar the Biden priorities.  The United States Supreme Court reversed finding that the states lacked “standing” (or in plain English, the right to sue).   Stripped to its essence, the Supreme Court found that, while the failure to more vigorously enforce immigration laws might, in some way, harm the states, finding that the government’s priorities were in some sense wrong would not eliminate the harm.  In short, enforcement priorities are inherently a matter of discretionary decision making by the Executive branch and it would be improper for the courts to interfere with that discretionary authority. Continue Reading...

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Student Loans — A look at the issues in the Supreme Court Cases

This past week, the United States Supreme Court heard challenges to President Biden’s program giving partial student loan forgiveness.  There are two separate cases (one brought primarily by Republican states and one brought by individuals), but the issues in the two case are relatively similar.

The first issue in both cases is standing.  For those unfamilar with standing, it derives from the Constitution’s language giving federal courts authority to decide cases and controversies.  Traditionally, courts have viewed this language as barring the ability of parties from requesting “advisory opinions” about how courts would rule if the parties did X.  As such, the courts require a real dispute.  More importantly, standing is concerned about who brings the dispute.  In simplest terms, a party can’t bring a case merely because they don’t like what the other party is doing.  The party bringing the case must be injured by the opposiing party’s actions in a way that can be fixed by the court.  Under the federal system, the state governments do not have the right to challenge the acts of the federal government merely because a given state disagrees with the federal government’s decisions. They have to show that the federal government’s acts injure that state.

For the state challenge, the lower court found standing based on the impact of loan forgiveness of MOHELA.  To understand the issue, one needs to know what MOHELA is.  Several of the states over the years have gotten heavily involved in the processing and handling of student loans.  I remember that when I was in law school, my student loans were handled by the Pennsylvania equivalent of MOHELA.  While I do not know the structural details of all of these agencies, MOHELA is somewhat equivalent to Fannie Mae.  Like Fannie Mae, MOHELA is a separate entity from the state government.  MOHELA is not a party to the case.  The question for the Supreme Court is whether Missouri has the right to speak for MOHELA.  If there is a decision in favor of the student loan forgiveness program, it is likely to be based on the theory that Missouri is not MOHELA and Missouri has not shown that it will be harmed if MOHELA is harmed.   If Missouri does not have the right to sue on behalf of MOHELA, it is unclear how any of the state governments has standing on any other theory. Continue Reading...

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Sound and Fury Signifying ? — The Partisan Gerrymander Cases

Ever since Trump was elected, I have almost been expecting some cheeky director to do a revival of Evita, the Andrew Lloyd Webber & Tim Rice musical from the late 70’s about Eva Peron with one not so subtle change to the wardrobe of the cast — specifically having the Peronists wearing t-shirts saying “Make Argentina Great Again.”  At times, our current president seems almost a parody version of the musical with Juan and Eva Peron merged into one person.

Now what does Evita have to do with the Supreme Court cases from this term on partisan gerrymandering (and other election law cases).  Kindly turn your attention to the closing number of Act One, “A New Argentina.”  Amidst many Trump-like pledges to restore Argentina and place the workers first, we have this wonderful verse from Che, commenting on the Peronist tactics:  “How annoying that they have to fight elections for their cause.  The inconvenience, having to get a majority.  If normal methods of persuasion fail to win them applause, there are other ways of establishing authority.”

In the post-2010 era, a combination of voter suppression tactics (see the many disputes about purging the voter rolls and requiring ID and proof of citizenship to vote) and the modern form of gerrymandering create a situation in which one party can have the support of the majority of adult citizens but the other party can steal maintain control of the government.  If the concepts of a democracy and a “republican form of government” mean anything, it means that a simple majority should be enough to determine who wins control of a state legislative house or the U.S. House of Representatives. Continue Reading...

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