Tag Archives: Supreme Court

The Supreme Court on Taxes

Federal tax law is somewhat complex when it comes to the earnings of business entities.  Some business entities are considered “pass-through” with all earnings being treated as income of the members/shareholders with the entity paying no taxes.  “Traditional” corporations pay corporate income taxes, and the shareholders are only taxed on distributions.  Usually, the “retained” income of these corporations builds up the value of the company which is reflected in capital gains income when a shareholder sells her stock.

But these rules are the rules that apply to U.S. corporations.  Different rules apply to Americans who invest in foreign corporations.   Some income, mostly things that are characterized as passive income, is “passed through” to U.S. shareholders for the purposes of federal income tax (and many states tie their definitions of income to the federal definition).  However, traditionally, other income was not “passed through” with the U.S. shareholder only getting taxed when that income was distributed as dividends or through capital gains when the shareholder sold his stock.

During the Trump Administration, in part to hide the actual price of Trump’s tax cuts and in part due to Trump’s “America Only” philosophy, Congress changed the rules for stocks in foreign corporations and imposed a “one time only” repatriation tax which taxes American shareholders their interest in the corporate earnings which had been retained by these foreign corporations and not distributed to the shareholders as interest.  Some of these shareholders challenged the suit claiming that the tax was not authorized by the Sixteenth Amendment. Continue Reading...

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End of Term

The Supreme Court picked up the pace this week, issuing nine opinions over two days.  At this point, the next opinion day is Wednesday.  As there are at least twelve opinions left, there is a good chance that Thursday and Friday will be added.

This week’s opinions included the last opinion from November which, as expected, went to Chief Justice Roberts.  Justice Kavanaugh had a December opinion which, as noted last week seemed to be the most likely. outcome in terms of which justice would join Justice Gorsuch and Chief Justice Roberts on the final three cases from December.  The other two cases — Purdue Pharma and Jarkesy — will more likely than not be authored by Justice Gorsuch and Chief Justice Roberts.

For January, as predicted last week, Justice Kagan had the opinion in the Confrontation Clause case leaving only the two Chevron deference cases.  It seems highly likely that there will be one opinion authored by Chief Justice Roberts or a lead opinion authored by the Chief Justice and a brief unsigned per curiam opinion in the other case. Continue Reading...

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Leaving Bump Stocks on the Market

While those involved in the gun industry (including some firearm fans and most regulators) were familiar with bump stocks, bump stocks did not enter the average person’s knowledge until they were used to help a gunman convert his semi-automatic weapon into a machine gun to kill multiple people at a concert in Las Vegas.   A bump stock is a part that uses the recoil of the gun to fire multiple shots without requiring further pulls on the trigger.

Federal law bans the ownership of machine guns.  The “definitions” part of this law defines a machine gun as “any weapon which shoots, is designed to shoot, or can be readily restored to shoot, automatically more than one shot, without manual reloading, by a single function of the trigger. The term shall also include the frame or receiver of any such weapon, any part designed and intended solely and exclusively, or combination of parts designed and intended, for use in converting a weapon into a machinegun, and any combination of parts from which a machinegun can be assembled if such parts are in the possession or under the control of a person.”

Prior to the Las Vegas mass shooting, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms took the position that a bump stock did not meet this definition.  After the shooting, to head off pressure to amend the law to clearly cover bump stocks, the Donald Trump ATF issued regulatory guidance that a bump stock did meet this definition — namely that it was a part intended to use to convert a weapon so that it would “automatically [shoot] more than one shot . . . by a single function of the trigger.” Continue Reading...

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No Trademark for “Trump Too Small”

U.S. law creates three basic types of “intellectual property” rights.  A patent gives an inventor the exclusive right to make the product that he invented (which most people then sell to others or grant others license to develop that product).  A copyright gives an author, musician or film producer control over the work that she has created and prevents others from making copies of that work for sale.  Finally, a trademark gives an individual control over a name or design.

Trademark law includes several provisions preventing inappropriate trademarks.  And, in recent years, the U.S. Supreme Court has held that some of those provisions are invalid because they are attempts to restrict certain viewpoints (e.g., offensive names) and deny such viewpoints the protection of copyright law in violation of the First Amendment.  This week, the U.S. Supreme Court issued an opinion in Vidal vs. Elster.  This case involves the provision of copyright law that prohibits the creation of a copyright in a person’s name without that person’s consent.  Applicant wanted to trademark the slogan “Trump too small” for use on articles of clothing but his request was denied under this provision.  He challenged this decision asserting that this provision also violates the First Amendment

In this case that was argued in November, the Supreme Court this week unanimously agreed that the federal agency which reviews such applications properly denied the application under that provision as that provision did not violate the First Amendment.  But there was significant disagreement about the justices about why this provision did not violate the First Amendment.  While Justice Thomas wrote the lead opinion, there were three separate opinions written by Justice Kavanaugh (joined by Chief Justice Roberts), Justice Barrett (joined by Justice Kagan), and Justice Sotomayor (joined by Justice Kagan and Justice Jackson).  The main disagreement, which got a little bit heated, was over Justice Thomas misusing isolated historical examples to show that this limited restriction on speech was justified by the traditional approach to trademark and thus was a trademark-specific exception to the First Amendment.   Justice Barrett, Justice Kagan, Justice Sotomayor, and Justice Jackson would find “viewpoint neutral” as functionally equivalent to the established doctrine of content-neutrality as trademarks are inherently based on content an approach that also draws in part on the rules that apply to limited public forums.  Thus, they would uphold any trademark rule which applied equally to certain content regardless of the viewpoint expressed but would reject a rule which examined whether the content was positive or negative.  Justice Kavanaugh and Chief Justice Roberts do not see the need to address this viewpoint-neutrality test at the present time but express openness to that test.  Justice Sotomayor, Justice Kagan, and Justice Jackson also disagree with the recent cases because they find that trademark protection is a government benefit and the government need not be content-neutral when awarding benefits. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court — Mifepristone

Thursday saw the first of two opinions on abortion — Food and Drug Administration vs. Alliance for Hippocratic (sic) Medicine.  The Alliance, a misnamed far-right group of doctors worked out a plan to belatedly challenge the FDAs various approvals of mifepristone — a drug commonly used for “medical abortions.”  The existence of this drug imposes a substantial barrier to far right attempts to eliminate abortions.

So conservative activists, represented by Mrs. Senator Hawley, went to their favorite one-judge division controlled in Amarillo, Texas to assure that their case would be heard by the “judge” that they put on the bench who agrees with their lawless approach to abortion.  While this judge gave the hypocritic doctors everything that they want, the Fifth Circuit cut back that ruling — holding that the challenge to the original approval of mifepristone came too late but upholding the judge’s decision to substitute his opinion of the medical facts about the risks associated with mifepristone by the medical experts at the FDA on the more recent changes by the FDA on the precautions that needed to be taken in prescribing mifepristone.

In a unanimous opinion (but with Justice Thomas writing a concurring opinion), Justice Brett Kavanaugh vacated the decisions of the trial judge and the Fifth Circuit.  But, as was always likely with this current batch of justices, the Supreme Court declined to uphold the FDA’s decisions.  Instead, they found that the Alliance and its members lacked standing to bring the case.  For non-lawyers, standing is the legal requirement that a party must be personally harmed by the defendant’s actions, and that you can’t just bring a case because you don’t like what the defendant is doing.  There were certain different theories raised by the Alliance that gave them adequate harm, but the Supreme Court found that none were legally valid. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court Term 2023-24 — Two Weeks to Go (?) Update

This past week, the U.S. Supreme Court went from one opinion day (Thursday) per week to two opinion days (Thursday and Friday).  But the Supreme Court only issued three opinions on each day — four of the six have some political significance and so there will be posts on them later.  There are still 23 cases left to be decided (with 21-23 opinions) between them.  Thus unless, the pace of opinions picks up (and maybe 4 per day is likely), the Supreme Court needs at least seven opinion days between now and June 28.  The next opinion day is this Thursday.  While it is more likely than not that opinions will also be released on Friday, that would still leave four or five opinion days for the last week in June.  Maybe the last opinion day will be July 1 or July 2, but the Supreme Court tries really hard to leave town before July 4.

With this week’s opinion release, the dust has started to settle on who likely has what opinion.  Until opinions are released, such guesses are who likely initially got the opinion.  While not common, splits in how to decide a case and justices changing their minds as they dig further into writing an opinion can result in opinions being reassigned.  These predictions are based on the Supreme Court’s practice of trying to maintain a balanced workload — both within each month’s argument session and across the term as a whole.

At this point, enough opinions have been released to identify who still has opinions left to write from the first five months of arguments with two question marks.  The two question marks are two sets of companion cases — one from January in which two cases seek to overturn Chevron deference (a doctrine created by Justice Scalia that has courts deferring to administrative agencies over the proper interpretation of ambiguous regulatory statutes) and the other from February in which two cases involve state attempts to regulate interstate social media websites.  For both sets, it is possible that the Supreme Court will issue separate “authored” (i.e. the justice writing is identified) or that the Supreme Court will issue one “authored” opinion in one case with a brief per curiam (i.e. the justice writing is not identified) in the second case or that the Supreme Court will issue one opinion covering both cases.  If only one authoried opinion is released in both sets of cases, then things fall more smoothly in terms of the number of opinions per justice through February.  If either set has a second authored opinion, that adds an additional opinion for some justice making things more uncertain. Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court — The NRA case

This past week, the U.S. Supreme Court issued an opinion in NRA vs. Vullo.  This case involves a claim that a New York state financial regulator threatened banks and insurance companies with investigation if they did not cease ties with the NRA.  The essence of the claim is that this threat was improper and was intended to coerce these companies to stop dealing with the NRA and was done in an attempt to suppress the NRA’s constitutionally-protected speech.  In a 9-0 decision by Justice Sotomayor (which could be her last majority opinion of the term) with two concurrences, the Supreme Court reinstated this claim.

There was a second case argued that day, Murthy v. Missouri, which involves more indirect claims of coercion.  The Supreme Court did not consolidate these two cases into one opinion, and (at least so far) it did not issue a per curiam opinion directing the lower to court to reconsider Murthy in light of Vullo.  As such, particularly in light of the concurrences in Vullo, it seems that, at least, some of the justices see factual distinctions between the two cases (as they should).  Until the Supreme Court issues the decision in Murthy, it will not be clear where the Supreme Court is drawing the line between persuasion/encouragement and coercion.  As such, I will not be commenting on the rule established by this case.  Instead, I am going to focus on the procedural aspects of this case.

The key procedural feature is this case is that it arises from a motion to dismiss.  A motion to dismiss is a common practice in civil cases.  (Motions to dismiss are less common in criminal cases because many states have standard form charges.)  A civil case begins with a plaintiff filing an initial pleading.  That pleading is required to set forth enough information to demonstrate that they have a legally-recognized claim for relief.  Some jurisdictions require more detailed facts than others, but the general rule is that the plaintiff must plead enough facts to demonstrate that the defendant(s) have harmed the plaintiff in a way that allows the plaintiff to seek redress from the court.  In theory, by signing this pleading, the attorney for the plaintiff is representing to the court that the attorney believes that they can prove the allegation (either currently have the evidence supporting the claim or have a reason to believe that they will be able to obtain that evidence through the jurisdiction’s discovery process). Continue Reading...

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Supreme Court Update — Appropriations and Redistricting

We are at that point of the Supreme Court terms when we are waiting for the other shoe to drop.  All the arguments and briefing for the term is done, and what is left is for the opinions to slowly drip out.  For now, the Supreme Court is only holding one opinion day per week.  That will be changing soon.

In May, we tend to get the older cases (October, November, and December) that have multiple opinions and newer cases (March and April) that were “easy” unanimous decisions.  As we get later into June, we will get the 5-4 decisions from February, March, and April, and the number of cases will pick up.

So far, in May, there have been three opinion days (with one more set for this Thursday).  On those opinion days, we have gotten, two, three, and three opinions.  With eight opinions down, we still have approximately thirty-five opinions (approximately because there are a few cases that could be consolidated) left to come over the next five weeks.  That number is why we are likely to get multiple opinion days per week in the latter part of June as we need nine to twelve opinion days. Continue Reading...

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The Supreme Court and January 6

Monday marks the start of the two-week “April” argument session at the Supreme Court — traditionally, the last argument session of the term.  After next week, the Supreme Court will spend the next two months finishing up the opinions.  (As of today, we have 14 opinions in the 51 cases heard in the first six argument sessions of the term.  As we get later in the term and have more opinions issued, there will be posts about which justice might have each case.  For now, there are not enough opinions issued to support any attempt to read the tea leaves.)

This session features two crucial cases related to January 6.  The first, being heard on April 16 involves the legal reach of the obstruction charge which has been filed against a significant number of defendants, including prisoner in the dock Donald J. Trump.  The second, being heard on April 25 (a special semi-expedited Thursday argument) involves whether Donald J. Trump has any immunity to the pending charges.

The April 16 argument comes in the case of Fischer vs. United States.  This appeal arises in the context of a motion to dismiss filed Mr. Fischer.  The essence of a motion to dismiss is a pre-trial claim that the conduct alleged by the government is not conduct covered by the offense charged.  The trial court agreed with Mr. Fischer, but the appellate court reversed. Continue Reading...

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Persuasion vs. Coercion

Sometimes, the U.S. Supreme Court will schedule arguments to create a “theme” day.  In other words, the Court will schedule two cases which are technically unrelated but involve similar issues.  By hearing arguments in the two cases back-to-back, the Justices get two factually different pictures of conduct to point out some of the different ways that the issue might arise and, hopefully, can get some input through both cases on how a particular test for judging whether conduct crossed the line would play out.

This week, we had one of those theme days involving when governmental conduct indirectly infringes on the First Amendment.  The first case, Murthy, Surgeon General, vs. Missouri, arises from the efforts of the Surgeon General’s Office to talk with social media companies about posts containing medically harmful information related to COVID.  The nutty Attorney Generals from Louisiana and Missouri (which at that time was now Senator Eric Schmitt) filed a lawsuit in front of a handpicked judge in the Western District of Louisiana seeking an injunction barring all communications between federal officials and social media companies.  That “judge” granted that request.  The Fifth Circuit narrowed the injunction somewhat but left it substantially intact.   The other case, National Rifle Association vs. Vullo, involves a state financial services regulator trying to persuade regulated entities (banks and insurance companies) that they should stop doing business with the NRA.

What seems to be clear from the arguments in these two cases is that the Supreme Court is likely to make a distinction between persuasion and coercion.  In asking questions, several justices fell back on their own executive branch experience.  In traditional media, it is not unusual for reporters to call government officials asking for comments on a potential story.  In some cases, the story is one that, for a variety of reasons, the government official might prefer that the story not get published (or at least that certain details not run).  Sometimes those reasons are good reasons like in a murder investigation somebody might have leaked a key detail from the crime scene to a reporter which the police were intending to use as a “false confession check” (on the theory that only the killer would know that detail so any nut coming in to take credit for something they did not do would get that detail wrong).  But those reasons might not be strong enough for the government to seek a court order preventing publication.  So the government will try to convince the news media that it would be best if that information was not included in the story.  In making this request, the government might offer a “comp” like an exclusive interview with the police chief on some other topic.  It seems like, in the Murthy case, the Supreme Court is likely to slap the lower court and the state AGs hard for what is really a legally meritless argument.  There is really nothing here suggesting that these claims involve anything beyond routine attempts to persuade media to go with the official story.  And the First Amendment does not prohibit the government from trying to convince publishers to do the right thing. Continue Reading...

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