Supreme Court Mid-Term Update

As a New Year starts, the Supreme Court returns on Monday for the first of four argument sessions.  This term is already shaping up as a weird term.  By the fourth argument session of the term, you typically have at least one opinion from an argued case and a handful of opinions granting summary reversals in cases in which the lower courts clearly erred.  While the bigger “political” cases normally take longer, the Supreme Court also takes “routine” cases that simply involve conflicting interpretations of statutes and regulations by different circuits.  It is not unusual for these cases to be resolved by unanimous opinions.  Maybe it’s just that none of the October cases (with the exception of the Andy Warhol case) fits that criteria, but the lack of an opinion is unusual.

At this point, the first half of the term saw some rather significant cases that will undoubtedly get attention when they are decided — the Voting Rights Act dispute regarding Alabama’s new district lines and the failure to create a second majority minority district (which will also impact the lines in Florida, Georgia, and Lousiana); the challenges to the Affirmative Action programs at Harvard and the University of North Carolina; the challenge to the Indian Child Welfare Act; challenges to the ability of Immigration and Customs Enforcement to set priorities related to deportation; whether state courts can use state constitutions to regulate congressional redistricting; and whether there is a free speech exception to civil rights laws (specifically those barring discrimination based on sexual orientation).

The January session should be relatively quiet.  There are two labor cases on the docket — one involving the weird hybrid status of certain national guard employees and whether that hybrid statute makes them subject to certain protections for federal workers and the other whether an employer can maintain a state tort against a labor union for timing the start of the strike to damage the property of the employer. Continue Reading...

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GOP and Dem Convention Updates

As we start 2023, here’s the latest on the 2024 Republican and Democratic National Conventions:

  • The GOP has announced their 2024 dates for their Milwaukee convention: July 15-18.  Two thoughts:  First, the Democrats get to go second (as the party in the White House), and will likely schedule to start on Monday Aug 19 or Aug 26. (The 2024 Summer Olympics end on Sun 8/11).  Second, any thoughts of moving to 3-day conventions have clearly been put aside.
  • Atlanta continues its effort to secure the 2024 Democratic Convention, which would be its first since 1988.
  • Former Alabama Sen. Doug Jones is supporting Atlanta’s bid.
  • Atlanta Mayor Andre Dickens makes the case:

  • Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot makes the case for her city:

Continue Reading...

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S-Day at the House

The new Congress convenes on Tuesday.  After the new members are sworn in (including that con artist from Long Island), the first task of business of the House of Representatives is the election of the Speaker.  [CORRECTION:  Before new members are sworn in.]

Traditionally, the election of a speaker has been a formality.  The majority party votes for their chosen speaker, and the speaker is elected on the first ballot.  But, like a southern primary, the election of the speaker requires that a candidate get a majority of the votes (not counting those who vote present).  And representatives have become more willing to vote for a “third” candidate or vote present.  When a party has a working majority, a small segment of the party expressing disagreement over their party’s choice for speaker is simply a statement.  But when a party has a narrow majority, defectors can cause problems.

When the House convenes on Tuesday, the Republicans will have a 222-212 majority (due to the vacancy in Virginia which will not be filled until February).  There are a significant number of (anti-)Freedom Caucus members who think spineless Kevin McCarthy is not sufficiently wacko to be Speaker.  On Tuesday, we will find out if that number is fewer than five (in which case it does not matter) or more than ten (in which case McCarthy will not have a majority on the first ballot) and whether these members will vote for an alternative candidate (in which case five would block McCarthy) or abstain (in which case eleven would make Hakeem Jeffries the speaker). Continue Reading...

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Post-COVID Health Care

We are now almost three years into dealing with COVID. Between changes to the virus and the development of vaccines, COVID has become one of those serious diseases that we just have to deal with rather than an all consuming emergency. But the response to COVID has created a political firestorm that will take years for our system to adjust.

Prior to COVID, those outside of county health departments (and their attorneys) rarely paid much attention to the laws in place to deal with contagious diseases. One of the major problems in our government (at all levels) is that (especially in those states with part time legislatures) is that nobody pays much attention to laws on the books until flaws in those laws create a serious problem. As a result, in many areas of the country, the laws still reflect a very traditional approach to pandemics and potential pandemics. For the most part, those laws allowed quarantine of sick patients and local restrictions designed to prevent the spread of disease. At the national level, quarantines of incoming travelers could also be imposed to assure that nobody was bringing in diseases.  (With all modes of travel being, compared to modern times, relatively slow, the potential for an extended quarantine was simply assumed in the planning for a business trip (and social travel of long distances was simply not common). 

These laws made sense in the nineteenth century. A significant part of the population lived in rural areas where it was easy for a family that had smallpox or similar life-threatening disease to isolate for a period of time.   And for people who lived in town, it was possible to get needed supplies to the quarantined homes by simply leaving them outside the home to be picked up after the delivery person left.  More significantly, travel was very limited and the number of jobs that were “essential” were relatively few.  While there were exceptions to the rule, goods that had to be transported from one part of the country to another tended to be more in the nature of luxury goods rather than necessities.  In short, it was possible to have a degree of success in stopping the spread of diseases by imposing strict quarantine rules without causing much of an impact on the economy.   And because of the limited contact between different parts of the country, the area subject to quarantine at any one time would be very limited as well.

In one of those coincidences, the science of fighting disease progressed somewhat faster than the science of transportation.  By the time that the car and the jet made it possible to have social travel between countries and for business people to hit six major cities in three countries within the same week, vaccines made most of the previously common deadly communicable diseases relatively rare.  In my personal experience, as an attorney to a county government, I can only remember quarantine coming up a handful of times, and some of those discussions were merely periodic reviews of policies and planning for worst case scenarios.  Because of the progression of medical science, the laws on quarantine became an “in case of emergency” backstop that were almost never used. 

Meanwhile, the changes to the global economy caused by the improvements in transportation have increased our dependency on products made by other people.  And urban/suburban vs. rural population has essentially flipped from urban areas representing around 20% of the national population prior to the Civil War to the rural population now fast approaching only 20% of the total population.  Continue Reading...

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That Senator From Arizona

Just as Democrats were celebrating victory in Georgia, Senator Krysten Sinema from Arizona kicked off the 2024 election season by announcing that she was switching her registration from Democrat to Independent (or to use the Arizona terminology “Party Not Designated”).  With nothing else to talk about, barring any major developments in the lame duck session, here are my two cents on what is going on.

First, this decision will not change much in the U.S. Senate.  An old state representative from my area used to say that the most important vote that a representative cast was their vote for speaker on the first day of the session.  The party that won that vote would control the committees and the floor of the House (and, with them, would determine which bills would come up for a vote).  Similarly, for the Senate, that initial vote in January on the organization of the Senate is a big deal.  And Senator Sinema appears to still be intending to caucus with the Democrats and will support an organizational plan that reflects a 51-49 Democratic majority.  And, whether she is technically Senator Sinema (I-AZ) or Senator Sinema (D-AZ), her vote on individual bills is unlikely to change.  (And both due to the filibuster and the Republican majority in the House, the only thing getting through the next Congress will be consensus bills on which her vote will not matter.)

Second, one of Senator Sinema’s alleged reasons for the switch is that she is upset that the party leadership did not do more to protect her from pressure form progressives.  If that is true, Senator Sinema is too thin-skinned to be in the Senate.  The job of activists is to get the legislation that they want passed.  They are going to try to convince “friendly” or “persuadable” Senators to support that bill by any means available.  I’ve worked most of my adult life in various government offices.  Even though our decisions are not political (policy is made at other levels and we just apply it to individual cases), the electeds who I have served regularly get blowback over those decisions based on incomplete reporting of the facts.   To paraphrase President Truman, if you can’t stand the heat, get out of politics.

Third, the real reason seems to be an effort to avoid a primary and block the Democrats from running a candidate.  Based on her current approval rating, Senator Sinema was very vulnerable to a primary.  Even if she somehow survived a primary, a reasonable Republican would have a good shot at taking the seat.    But in a three-way race, a nutty Republican (Ms. Lake, Mr. Masters, Representative Biggs, Representative Gosar) would probably win.  In recent elections, even nutty Republicans have been getting over 45% of the vote.  If the Democrats ran a serious candidate, that candidate would almost certainly get over 30% of the vote.  But Senator Sinema would have a serious chance of getting 10% or more of the vote, flipping the seat to Republicans.

To the extent that the switch was a gambit to keep the Democrats from running a serious candidate, the initial reaction from potential Democratic candidate seems to show that the gambit failed.  There are several serious contenders who seem to exploring a campaign.

What is left is what will Democrats do to convince Senator Sinema that she should not run.  It looks like her Senate career is coming to a close, but Senator Sinema’s history shows that she is not a team player.  The only reason why she would not make a futile effort at running for another term would be if she left the Senate to do something else — preferably something that would not expire at the end of President Biden’s term in office.  I do not all of the options in play,, but, with a Democrat as governor in Arizona who can appoint a solid candidate to serve in the Senate if Senator Sinema decided to resign, Senator Schumer and President Biden should be exploring the possibilities.

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Georgia Runoff

The last election of 2022 will conclude on Tuesday with the runoff election for U.S. Senator in Georgia.    While there are still some races that will go to recounts, all of the statewide and congressional races seem to be outside the margin at which a recount could make a difference.  (There are three races with margins between 500 and 600 votes — Arizona Attorney General, California Thirteenth District, and Colorado Third District.  In the Minnestoa Senate recount in 2008, the net swing from the original results to the recount results was 450 votes with an additional 87 votes gained in the election contest.  The closest of the three races going to recount is 511.   While other recounts have resulted in bigger swings, they were in races with bigger margins and Minnesota remains the largest swing that changed the results of a race.

The significance of the Senate race is not quite as big as it was in 2021 due to the Republicans apparently taking the House (but the Republican’s inability to reach a consensus on the next Speaker will be the subject of a future post) and the fact that the Democrats already have 50 seats.  But the result still matters for five key reasons.

First, the additional seat will alter the composition of committees.  With a 50-50 Senate, the committees are evenly divided.  While the rules currently allow a bill or nomination to proceed to the Senate floor on a tie vote, a 51-49 Senate would result in the Democrats having a majority on the committees.

Second, 51-49 is a majority.  On issues on which the Democrats (and the two independents who caucus with the Democrats are united), the Democrats will be able to pass bills and approve nominations without the Vice-President breaking the tie.  Thus, Vice President Kamala Harris will be free to do other things than hang around the Senate to break the ties.  With the loss of control of the House, this change will be more significant on nominations than on legislation.

Third, the extra vote reduces the influence of Senator Joe Manchin and Senator Krysten Sinema.  Currently, to get anything through the Senate, the Democrats need to keep both on board.  As Senator Sinema and Senator Manchin often want different (and sometimes contradictory) changes to legislation, being able to lose one of the two will make it easier to get things done.  On the other hand, the need to keep moderate Republicans (okay moderately conservative Republicans) in the House on board to pass any legislation will make this change less significant.

Fourth, 2024 will be a hard year for Senate Democrats.  There are three Democrats running in states that will likely go for the Republicans in the presidential race (Senator Brown in Ohio, Senator Tester in Montana, and Senator Manchin in West Virginia) and no Republicans running in lean Democrat states.  There are a handful of weak Republican senators (Senator Scott in Florida, Senator Hawley in Missouri, and Senator Cruz in Texas) who are vulnerable, but only to the right candidate.  In short, every extra seat now increases the odds that the Democrats will be able to get to 50 in 2024.

Fifth, a loss for unqualified Trump pick Herschel Walker will be another example that fealty to Trump is not enough to win in swing states.  That will not be enough to put a stake through the heart of Donald Dracul.   (I am not even sure if the likely criminal charges that will be filed in 2023 will be enough to derail the Trump train.)  But it will give more ammunition to traditional Republicans (a/k/a RINOs) fighting a last ditch effort against Trump’s hostile takeover of what used to be a proud party that stood for some ideas (often wrong ideas, but still ideas).  While I would prefer a viable Republican party that stood for something, anything that will undermine the ultranationalists and theocrats in their effort to destroy democracy and the Constitution is a good thing.

Currently, the numbers out of Georgia are looking good for a narrow win on Tuesday.  As was true in November, the results will come in three waves.  First, early in-person votes will be released shortly after the polls close at 7 p.m. Eastern (6 p.m. Central, 5 p.m. Mountain, 4 p.m. Pacific).  Over the next several hours, election day votes will be released.  As in other states, medium sized rural counties will tend to be released earlier with smaller rural counties and urban counties coming later in the evening.  Finally, absentee votes (i.e. mail-in ballots) will tend to be released over the next twenty-four hours.  In short, Senator Warnock will probably take the early lead but Mr. Walker will then have a surge later in the evening.  But then there will be a surge toward Senator Warnock.  If Senator Warnock is in the lead by midnight, he will almost certainly be re-elected.  But if Mr. Walker has a lead at midnight, it could be a long night into the following day before we know who has won.

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Where Things Stand

Four days after election day and we are waiting for results in the states with lots of mail-in ballots and the states that have ranked choice voting.    The Democrats seem to be holding their own in the Senate and Governor’s races — so far gaining one Senate seat (Pennsylvania) and a net of one Governor’s mansion (picking up Maryland and Massachusetts as expected and losing Nevada which was the most vulnerable seat).  Several potential Senate gains fell short — especially Wisconsin and North Carolina.   While votes outstanding in Nevada, it looks like that will be a hold given where those votes are.  That will make the Georgia runoff (which was expected) about the margin in the Senate rather than control.

As expected, we had a rough night/days in Florida and New York.  In Florida, the lines performed as the Republicans hoped — giving them four new seats and costing the Democrats three seats.   In New York, the new lines also worked as expected to give Republicans more seats.  The current numbers are 15-10 with Republicans leading in the last outstanding seat.  If they hold the Twenty-second, that would give them a sweep of the lean Republican/toss-up seats and a gain of thee with a loss of three for the Democrats.  In short, Florida plus New York combined gave Republicans a gain of six or seven seats.   Likewise, the new lines in Georgia flipped one seat to the Republicans.   Thus, three states represent half of the Republican gains to date.  In Virginia, Republican gains were kept to one seat — the one that was seen as most likely to flip going into the election.

Ohio and North Carolina, however, were good states for the Democrats at least at the House level.  Ohio was the opposite of New York with all of the tossups going to the Democrats for a gain of one seat (and a loss of two for the Republicans).  Likewise, the Democrats took the toss-up in North Carolina which, when combined with the new lines, gave the Demcocrats a gain of two (and a loss of one for the Republicans).  In short, these maps netted a plus three for the Democrats.   Similarly, the new maps in Illinois led to a gain of one for the Democrats and a loss of two for the Republicans.

In Kansas, Maryland, and Massachusetts, the House seats held.  In Michigan, while the new lines led to two seats flipping (one to each party), the ultimate result was the only net change came from the loss of one seat due to the census which ended up being a Republican seat).   In Pennsylvania, there were no flips, but otherwise the result was similar to Michigan — the one seat lost to the census ended up being the Republican seat.

While the open seat in Rhode Island was close, the Democrats held.  Tennessee was like Georgia with one seat flipping due to lines drawn to assure an additional Republican seat.  In Texas, after all of the dust settled, each party gained one seat under the new lines.

In Colorado, Democrats have held the Seventh.  They are leading (and may have won in the Eighth) and the Third is very, very close.

Iowa, like Florida and Ohio, seems to be a state that is drifting away from the Democrats.  It was close, as expected, but the Third flipped to the Republicans.  In a good year, Democrats have a shot at three of the four seats in Iowa, but, if the year is even slightly favorable to the Republicans, the Republicans will sweep the seats.

In Minnesota and Nebraska, the parties held serve.  In Wisconsin, with the seat being open, the Republicans picked up a Republican leaning seat that they have been hoping to get for several cycles.

In New Mexico, the only potential change is in the Second in which the Democrats are leading (or have won depending upon your preferred news source.

In Nevada, it looks like the parties held serve in the House.  Likewise, in Hawaii, the Democrats held onto everything.

In Arizona, as feared, the new lines are favorable to Republicans.  The Republicans have won four seats and lead in a fifth.  The Democrats have won at least two and lead in the other two.

In Washington, so far, nothing has flipped.  But in the one (Third) seat where primary voters (in a top two primary) opted for a Trumpist over the incumbent Republica, the race is still up in the air with the Democrat leading.

Likewise, in Oregon, nothing has flipped with two seats up for grabs still.  One is the new seat.  The other is a seat in which the incumbent Democrat lost to a more progressive challenger in the primary.

In California, votes are slowly coming in.  Some media sources include “undeclared” seats in which both candidates are Democrats in their counts, but others do not.  Current projections have Democrats winning at least thirty-six seats (compared to the current number of forty-two) and the Republicans won at least six seats (compared to the current eleven seats).  Of the remaining ten seats,

Having summarized where things stand in the decided races, a quick look at what is still on the table. First, there are differences in what has been called by different outlets.  Democrats lead in Arizona Fourth, Colorado Eighth, and New Mexico Second.   Some outlets have called these races, but others have not.

Of the seats that are currently not projected by most people, going in alphabetical order, nothing in Alaska is projected yet.  Most sites are noting Alaska as a hold for Republicans in the Senate race.  At the present time, the top two candidates are the Trumpist candidate (counted as a Republican) and the real Republican.  Since both are over 40%, no other candidate can catch them, and they will be the final two.   My hunch is that when they distribute the approximately 23,000 votes for the third and fourth-placed candidate, Senator Lisa Murkowski will have more than enough votes to make up the 2,800 votes by which Trumpist Kelly Tshibaka currently leads.  Republican Governor Mike Dunleavy is currently at 52% of the vote.  Even if he dips slightly below 50%, there should be enough voters who did not rank a second choice or ranked him second from him to be reelected.  Finally, in the House race, while things are not locked quite yet.  Sarah Palin leads Nick Begich in the race for second by about 5,000 votes.  As the fourth-placed candidate only has around 4,000 votes, there are not enough votes for the fourth-placed candidate for Begich to pass Palin on second preferences unless the outstanding votes are real good for Begich.  Representative Pelotla is about 44,000 votes ahead of Palin with a total of 56,000 for Begich and the last-placed candidate.  That means she only needs around 11% of that vote (and she got 25% in the special election) to hold on and that 11% assumes that all of the voters fully rank all of the candidates.

In Arizona, there are two seats up in the air — the First District and the Sixth District.  In the First, the Democrat is up by around 4,000.  It may take one or two more releases from Maricopa County to see if the Republican is picking up votes or if the Democrat is picking up votes from late drop-off ballots and provisional votes.  The Sixth (in southeast Arizona) is the opposite situation with the Republican up by around 3,000.  Most of the votes are likely to come from Pima County (Tucson) which should favor Democrats.  This race might not be decided until the last vote is counted.

California is the big prize.  And, as is usual given that ballots only need to be postmarked by Tuesday, the count is very incomplete.  In the ten seats that have yet to be projected, the percent of the vote counted ranges from 36% to 70%.  The current split is Republicans leading in six with Democrats leading in four.  But, in one of those six, the Republican lead is less than 100 votes with less than half of the votes in.

In Colorado, as noted above, the Eighth is on the border line of being projected for the Democrats leaving only the Third District.  Recent reports of additional votes have favored Boebert (T) and she now leads by just over 1100 votes.  Rather that reflects her counties reporting quicker or a real trend is unknown.  Several counties may have 2-3,000 votes left each, and some of those may be favorable to the Democrat, but it is simply unclear if the Democrat can win the remaining votes by enough to regain the lead.

The second district in Maine looks likely to go to ranked choices.  The Democrat has a solid lead but is just enough under 50%, that the remaining vote is unlikely to move the needle enough.  As the third candidate is more progressive than the Democrat, it seems like this will be a hold when preferences are distributed.

In New York, the only race still up in the air is the Twenty-second district.  The Republican leads by 4,000 with an estimated 95% of the vote in.  Given that the counties tend to hold their counts rather close to the chest, it is unclear if there enough votes left in the Democratic counties to gain 4,000 votes.

In Oregon, the Democrat is trailing by 7,000 in the Fifth, but leading by 4,000 in the Sixth.  In both, there are enough votes outstanding to flip the result.

Finally, in Washington, the Democrat is currently leading the Third District by about 5,000 votes with 92% of the projected vote counted.

In all of these states, we should have either completed counts or a good idea of votes that are outstanding by the middle of this week.  Right now, it looks like Republicans will have a narrow majority of 220 seats (if the Democrats win the California race that they are losing by 84 votes).  It would only take three of the other close races flipping for the Democrats to keep control of the House.  Arizona Sixth, California Twenty-second, and California Forty-first seem to be the most likely three to go Democratic given the current margins and the number of votes outstanding.  If the Republicans are to pad that 220. the most likely flips are Arizona First and California Forty-seven (or keeping the lead in California Thirteen).

 

 

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The Midterms-Preview (Part 5)

Finally, we reach the end of the evening.  Five hours after the first polls closed in Kentucky and Indiana, we reach 10 p.m. Central ST.  At this time the last polls close in North Dakota and Idaho (covered in part 4).  Likewise, the remainder of the polls (representing the vast majority of the state) close in Oregon.  And, even though both states have a significant number of mail-in votes (as is true for several of the western states discussed in earlier posts), the polls will close in California and Washington.

I’ll start with Washington.  Washington has a top two primary (as does California).  Unlike Califronia, all of the races feature a Democrat against a Republican.  While there are some polls showing a potentially competitive race for Senate, I’m just not seeing it.  Washington is too blue in recent years.  Even in a red wave, Senator Patty Murray should win.  Most of the polls making this state seem close come from polls sponsored by Republican-affiliated groups.  While they may end up being right, even they are merely showing a close race.  The current split in the House is seven Democrats and three Republicans.  There are three seats that could flip.   The Third District is currently held by the Republicans, but, in the primay, the incumbent representative barely finished in third after having the integrity to vote to impeach President Trump.  Whether moderate Republicans will vote for the Democrat in the general and flip this seat — for the next two years to the Democrats — is the big question.  In a red wave, the Republicans have a chance at taking the Eighth District and the Tenth District.  The Tenth District (basically a swatch southwest of Seattle from Tacoma to Olympia) is more likely to stay Democratic.  The Eighth District (an exurban/rural district to the east of Seattle) looks more like a swing district, but Democrats are still favored.  Because of mail-in ballots, it typically takes several days to figure out who wins close races.

Moving south to Oregon, the big race is for Governor.  And it’s a classic argument for ranked-choice voting.  Business interests have pushed a moderate Democrat to run as an independent, and this candidate may take just enough votes to allow the Republicans to win by a narrow plurality.  The race is a pure toss-up.   Senator Ron Wyden is solidly favored to be reelected which might just have enough coattails to allow the Democrat to win the open race for governor.  In the House, the current split is four Democrats to one Republican with one new seat.  In the Fifth District, the Democratic incumbent lost in the primary to a progressive challenger.  There is a risk that the progressive nominee is too progressive for the district which runs from the suburbs of Portland into a rural part of the state to the south and east of Portland.  The Sixth District is the “new” district and is a little bit geographically smaller than the Fifth, but like the Fifth it runs from the immediate suburbs of Portland into the rural areas to the south and west of Portland.    The Republicans also have outside chances in the Fourth District, an open seat, which runs along the Pacific Coast in the area to the south and west of the Fifth and Sixth.  If the Democrats get all three of the seats, they could potentially keep the House.  In a red wave, the Republicans could gain all three seats.

There are some interesting ballot propositions in Oregon.  One creates a right to health care.  With this proposition, a lot will depend on how courts apply it to specific claims that might arise in future cases.  The second is intriguing as it bars members of the legislature from running if they have ten unexcused absences from the legislature in their current term.  Finally, one proposition would set up a permitting system for extended gun clips (those holding more than ten rounds of ammunition).

Finally, there is California.   Democrats should win all of the statewide races.  Teh big question will be how big will Governor Gavin Newsome’s margin be as he is hoping to position himself as a potential candidate in 2024 if President Biden opts against running again.  The Senate race is actually two elections — a special election for the last two months of what was Vice President’s Harris term and the regular election for a full term.

California lost a seat in the House.  As such, there is guaranteed to be some change from the current 42-11 split.  The Republicans failed to advance to the general in six districts.  Right now, the best guess is that there are five solidly Republican seats another four seats which are likely Republican.  On the Democratic side, including the six sure seats in which there are other two Democrats or a Democrat and a third party candidate on the ballot, there are thirty-five solidly Democratic seats.  Of the remaining eight seats, four seats are likely to stay Democratic even in a red wave — the Twenty-first, Twenty-sixth, Forty-seventh, and Forty-ninth.  The one that seems most at risk is the Forty-seventh District (Representative Porter).  I am having trouble seeing even this district as being at risk.  In the primary, Democrats got a majority of all of the votes cast in these districts and turnout should be better in the general than in the primary.  That leaves four competitive seats — the Ninth, Thirteenth, Twenty-second, and Twenty-seventh.  The closest is probably the Twenty-second.  This is one of two seats (the other being in Washington) in which a Republican who voted for impeachment survived to the general.  If Trumpers skip this race, the Democrats could pick up the seat.  If not, while the district is closely divided, the Republicans should hold this seat with the net effect that the seat lost in California will be a Democratic seat.  If the Democrats pick up this seat, the effect will be that the seat lost in California will be a Republican seat.  The only other Republican seat that could go to the Democrats is the Twenty-seventh.  This seat has seen several close races in the past several cycles.  If the Democrats are to gain any seats in this election, this seat is one of the more likely pickups.  And winning this seat might just offset losses elsewhere.  The Democrats should hold the Ninth and Thirteenth.  If they lose either, the Republicans are likely having a good evening nationally.

While California will, as always, have several ballot propositions including some on legalizing gambling in some locations, the most significant is one protecting the freedom of choice.  It is likely that this proposition will pass, but, if Republicans gain control nationally after 2024, they will try to pass federal right to life legislation.

The polls in Hawaii will close at 11:00 p.m. Central ST.    While the governor’s seat is open, it is likely that Democrats will hold that seat.  It is also likely that Democrats will keep the Senate seat and both House seats.

The last state on the list is Alaksa.  Most of the polls in the state will close at 11:00 p.m. Central ST, but some (in the Aleutians) will close at midnight Central ST.  With the new ranked-choice top four system, the key races may take a week or more to get final results.  In both the Senate race and the House race, there is a Trumpist running — Sarah Palin for Representative and Kelly Tshibaka for Senate.  There is also a real Republican running in both races — Senator Murkowski for Senate and Nick Begich for Representative.  In both races, the outcome will depend on vote distributions.  In the Senate race, Senator Murkowski and Kelly Tshibaka are likely to be the final two.  My expectation is that Senator Murkowski will ultimately win this election.  That’s not great, but at least she is somebody that can potentially support some bipartisan legislation.

In the House, things are more complex.  Representative Pelota will finish first in the first ballot by a significant margin, but she will not get a majority of the first-preference votes.  It will be a close race for second between Ms. Palin and Mr. Begich which might be decided on the second ballot by the second preferences for the Libertarian candidate.  If Mr. Begich ekes out second, he should get enough of the second preferences from the supporters of Ms. Palin to win the race.  If Ms. Palin finishes second, some of the supporters of Mr.  Begich will either not express a second preference or will support Representative Pelota.  In the special election earlier this year, Ms. Palin lost enough supporters of Mr. Begich to allow Representative Pelota to narrowly win the seat.  The outcome of the regular election is likely to be similarly close if it again comes down to Pelota vs. Palin.  Again, keeping this seat will be key to the Democrats eking out a majority.

At this time of the cycle, barring some shocking development in the next forty-eight hours, the opportunity to persuade voters is pretty much gone.  Even the “undecided voters” are leaning one way or the other and are just getting comfortable with their preference.  Barring some new development, they are unlikely to really switch.  (And a significant number of people have already voted.)  The key to what we will see Tuesday evening is now entirely about the turnout operations.  If young and progressive voters do not turn out (even if the Democratic candidate is not sufficiently progressive for their taste), Republicans will win and will continue to wage war on the rights of women and minority communities.  In many states, the Republican candidates are committed to putting a heavy thumb on the scale in future elections.  Every vote is needed now if we want a chance to push for changes in the future.  We have seen what type of chaos can occur when a Democratic presidnet has to deal with Republican control of the House and Senate, and we have seen what red states will pass through their legislatures if Republicans have complete power.

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The Midterms-Preview (Part 4)

By 9 p.m. Central ST, we will be getting some results from the early states which will give us some idea of how the night is going with a strong emphasis on the some.  As noted in Part 1 of this series, every state treats the counting of mail-in votes.  In some states, like Missouri and Texas, mail-in votes are likely to be the first results reported.  In other states, like Michigan, those votes are likely to reported after the election day results.  And for election day results, precinct sizes (more importantly the number of voters per election judge) and other factors have historically resulted in longer lines at closing time in urban area.  When combined with the number of precincts in urban areas, in early states, rural areas are likely to report a greater share of their results in the first couple of hours.  Both of these factors distort the conclusiveness of early vote counts (which is why the best analysts start looking at what vote is still outstanding — both where that vote is and the total number of votes — in forecasting whether it is possible to call the race).    But by this time of the evening, there is some hint at the level of turnout in the areas that tend to vote Democratic and the areas that vote Republican and which way swing areas are swinging.

In turn, this information gives us some idea of the accuracy of pre-election polls.   In viewing pre-election polls, there are three things to remember.  First, in viewing them, you should focus on two things — margins and the size of the “undecided” voters.  In every poll, there will be some undecided voters (and, because voters tend not to want to waste votes, the supporters of third-party candidates should be treated as undecided as a significant share of them will move to one of the two major candidates by election day).  Because undecided voters will not split 50-50, a large pool of undecided voters makes the margin less reliable.  An eight percent lead with ten percent undecided is more likely to hold than a twelve percent lead with twenty percent undecided.  On the other hand, it is likely that both candidates will pick up some undecideds.  So both candidates are likely to end up with something higher than their last poll number.  Second, in looking at the margin, every poll has a margin of error (typically between three percent and four percent).  That margin of error applies to each candidate.   Which means, in theory, that even a well-constructed poll can be off on the margin by six or seven percent..  Part of the error is that every pollster has their model on who is likely to vote and how to weight responders to overcome response bias.  Some years the actual pool of voters is bluer than the model shows and in other years the actual pool of voters is redder than the model shows.  Finally, a poll is a snapshot in time.  Events occurring after the poll is taken will move a small percentage of voters (both undecided voters and voters who were tentatively supporting a candidate).  In short, it is highly probable that the polls will be off by some margin.  And while the direction and size of the error will not be uniform nationally, the early returns can give an idea of the direction and size of the error.

As things stand four days out, the polls seem to be indicating a red ripple which will switch a narrow Democratic majority in the House to a narrow Republican majority in the House.  The Senate could go either way and the hold of state offices could swing either way as well.

Now onto the states with 9 p.m. closing times. There are only a handful of states with 9 p.m. closing times.  Most of the Pacific ST states will close at 10 p.m. Central ST (8:00 p.m. local time).  There are only a handful of Mountain ST states and they split between those closing at 8:00 p.m. CST (7:00 p.m. MST) and those closing at 9:00 p.m. CST (8:00 p.m. MST).  In this hour, there will be partial closings in Idaho, North Dakota, and Oregon.  Oregon will be covered in the next part as most of the state will close at 10:00 p.m. CST, but most of Idaho and North Dakota will close at 9:00 p.m.  All of the polls will close in Montana, Nevada, and Utah.

For the most part, this group of states is very, very red.  It would take a very blue wave for Democrats to have hopes at anything in Idaho, Montana, or North Dakota.  Montana did pick up a new seat which will almost certainly go Republican.  Montana has two ballot issues of note.  One requires a warrant for electronic data.   There have been several of these measures around the country.  On paper, this change merely makes express in state constitutional language what they U.S. Supreme Court has found to be implicit in the Fourth Amendment.  Of course, having the express language in the state constitution protects from the U.S. Supreme Court changing its mind and might lead to the state courts giving additional protections to electronic communications.  The other measure is abortion-related and would make clear that, if the abortion results in the delivery of a live child, the providers have the obligation to provide health care to preserve the life of the infant.  North Dakota has two ballot propositions of issue — one would create term limits for the state legislature and governor (a very bad idea which is likely to pass) and one would legalize marijuana.

Moving to the two states with potentially competitive races.  In Utah, you have incumbent seditious conspirator Mike Lee running against independent traditional republican Evan McMullin.  Senator Lee is favored to be reelected, especially as the R label on the ballot may fool some voters into believing he actually believes in the traditional values of the Republican party.  But Mr. McMullin still has an outside chance.  For now, Mr. McMullin is saying that, if elected, he will not caucus with either party.  That will probably change as the two caucuses control committee assignments and my expectation is that he will caucus with the Republicans.   Thanks to gerrymandering, the House seats are probably out of reach.

The real state of interest in this batch will be Nevada.  Nevada is a lean Democratic swing state.  The Republicans have nominated son of privilege Adam Laxalt (with well-known politicians on both sides of his family tree) who has opted to take a Trumpist stand as winning is more important than standing for the values of his family to take on Senator Catherine Masto.  This state is the number one target for Republicans.  If Democrats can hold here (and in Georgia), we will probably see Democrats pickup seats in the Senate.  Right now, if you are looking at the swing states in order of most liley to go Republican, the list would be Florida, North Carolina, Wisconsin, Ohio, Nevada, Georgia, Pennsylvania, Arizona, New Hampshire making Nevada and Georgia the two states that will determine the majority.  There are also Trumpists running for state-wide offices.  All of these state-wide races are too close to call and will depend on turnout.

Democrats currently control three of the four House seats, but two of these are swing seats.  And Democrats drew the lines to make the third seat a little less solidly blue in an attempt to shore up the two swing seats.  These three seats will play a crucial role in who controls the House.  In a red wave, the Democrats could lose all three seats.  If the Democrats could hold onto all three seats, they might just keep the majority in a House.

There are three key ballot propositions in Nevada.  The first proposition would expand constitutional protections to sexual orientation.  The second proposition would increase the state minimum wage to a paltry $12 an hour.  The final proposition would establish a top five primary (similar to Alaska’s top four system) with ranked choice voting in the general election.  The result of the third proposition may be a key tell for the future, assuming that democracy survives the 20224 election.  If more states go to an open primary with ranked choice voting in the general, we might see fewer Sarah Palins and Lauren Boeberts in office.

That brings an end to the 9:00 p.m. summary.  The last part of this series will focus on the remaining five states.  (Hint for those who have not been tracking which states have been covered, they all border the Pacific Ocean.)

 

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The Midterms — Preview (Part 3)

By the time that polls close in Arkansas at 7:30 p.m. Central ST, we should be starting to get votes from the early states, but most of the key races will still be classified as “too early to call.”  Arkansas has become so red over the past two decades that none of the races are likely to be close.  The big races will be the ballot issue.  From the right is a proposition to require supermajorities for propositions in future elections and a provision enshrining a version of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act in the Arkansas Constitution.  As we have seen at the federal level, this Free Exercise Clause on steroids will cause significant problems in Arkansas as everything will become somebody’s religious belief.  Arkansas will also vote on legalizing marijuana.

At 8:00 p.m. CST, polls will close in the remaining parts of Kansas, Michigan, South Dakota, and Texas (with those races covered in Part 2 of the preview).    Polls will close for the entire state in Arizona, Colorado, Iowa, Louisiana, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Mexico, New York, Wisconsin, and Wyoming.

Arizona will feature several key races.  At the state office level, Governor, Attorney General, and Secretary of State are all open seats.  The Republicans have nominated Trumpist candidates for these positions who refuse to commit to recognizing the election results in 2024.   Particularly for governor, they have nominated a media celebrity who is not qualified.  But these races are currently too close to call.  For Senate, the Republicans have also nominated an extremist.  It looks like Senator Mark Kelly will hold onto the seat, but the seat is probably the third most likely pickup for the Republicans after Nevada and Georgia.   If the Republicans have a good night, that seat could flip.

This cycle, the redistricting commission drew lines that were favorable for Republicans in Arizona.  The current split is five Democrats to four Republicans.  With the new lines, it is unlikely that the Democrats will pick up any seats, and the Republicans have good chances to pick up one or two seats from the Second and Sixth districts.

There are several interesting propositions on the ballot in Arizona including some voter ID provisions and, like in Arkansas, a proposal to require supermajorities for future propositions.

In Colorado, Democrats are likely to retain the statewide offices and the U.S. Senate seat.  Heading into the election, Democrats have a 4-3 advantage in the House delegation and there is a new seat after the 2020 Census.  There are two swing seats in the new lines, the Seventh (currently held by a Democrat) and the new Eighth.  In most years, this will lead to a 4-4 split, but both parties have a shot at winning five seats.  There is an outside chance that voters in the Third might be tired enough of the clown show that surrounds Representative Boebert, but it is more likely than not that she will be returned to serve as a loose cannon in the Republican caucus.

Iowa has traditionally tried to have competitive house districts.  The drift of the state to the right may result in only two of the four seats being competitive.  The national environment means that there is a solid chance that Republicans will pick up the Third district to win all of the seats.  While Senator Grassley should hold on to win, some polls seem to indicate that his advanced age might cost him just enough votes for the Democrats to take this seat.  Simply put, it is difficult for Republicans to be complaining about the advanced age of an 80-year old in the White House without undermining someone who will be in his nineties for most of a six-year term.  Senator Grassley will probably hold on, but the thought that the Republicans were safer if Senator Grassley sought a new term might prove to be wrong. Iowa also has a Second Amendment-type ballot issue, but the U.S. Supreme Court has essentially undercut this proposition by adopting a more pro-gun standard under the federal constitution than this proposal would create in the Iowa Constitution.

Louisiana is a hard state to project because it uses what is typically called a “jungle primary.”  In this system, there is no primary and all candidates run on one ballot.  If nobody gets a majority, there is a runoff several weeks later.  It is likely that Republicans will hold the Senate seat but the current 5-1 majority in the Congressional delegation (at least for this cycle).  (If the Supreme Court follows the Voting Rights Act in the Alabama case, it will also impact the Louisiana map.)  However, there is a real chance that other Republicans will pick enough votes in several of these races to send them to a runoff.

In Minnesota, Democrats are likely to hold onto the state-wide offices.  The House delegation is currently split 4-4.  That will likely stay the same, but, in a Republican wave, the Second District could flip.

Nebraska is a red state, and the Republicans avoided a potential disaster in their primary.  As such, the Republicans should win the state-wide offices.  The real battle in Nebraska is always for the Second district.  While Omaha is not liberal by the standards of the rest of the country, there are just enough moderates and liberals to keep this seat competitive.  The Republicans are likely to keep this seat, but it is one of those seats in which a strong pro-Choice turnout could lead to an upset.

New Mexico is a state in which Democrats took a gamble.  If there is a very large red wave, the new lines could put the Third District at risk.  But the new lines turn the First District into a swing seat.  As such, New Mexico is one of those states in which a Democrat pickup is a real possibility.    The First District is one of the twenty or so seats that could determine control of the House.

Democrats are worried about New York because Democrats worry.  Barring a very big red wave, Democrats will keep the state-wide offices. and the U.S. Senate seat.  The real problem is that the new House lines are not good for Democrats.  The House delegation is currently 19-8 in favor of the Democrats.  With New York having lost one seat, it looks like the likely results are 15-7 with four races up for grabs.  The Democrats seem to be leading in the Seventeenth and Nineteenth (but the close race in the Seventeenth makes this the second straight election in which the Democratic campaign chair has had to focus on their own race down the stretch, something that does not help the national effort), but the Third and the Fourth seem to be pure tossups.

Wisconsin will continue its recent trend of being a state in which it may take days to know the result. All of the state-wide races are too close to call.  The Republicans would like to regain the governor’s office so that they can create mayhem ahead of the 2024 elections.  Democrats would like to kick seditious conspirator Ron Johnson out of the Senate.  The Senate race is probably number three on the Democrat target list, but it is beginning to look a lot like the old days when Jesse Helms was running in North Carolina — a seat that always looks vulnerable but a candidate who manages to eke out a narrow win in the end.  In the House, the new lines make it likely that the Republicans will gain a seat in the Third District.

Finally, there is Wyoming.  Liz Cheney’s loss in the primary means that the traditionalists in the Republican party will lose this seat to the Party of Trump.  That is going to mean real problems for the Republican caucus in 2023.  But the Republicans seem to want a circus rather than a caucus that can actually pass legislation.

In short, the highlights of this segment of the evening will be the governor’s races in Arizona and Wisconsin and the Senate races in Arizona and Wisconsin with an outside shot at the Senate race in Iowa becoming interesting.  At the House level keep an eye on Arizona Second, Arizona Sixth, Colorado Seventh, Colorado Eighth, Iowa Third, Minnesota Second, Nebraska Second, New Mexico Third, New York Third, New York Fourth, New York Seventeenth, and New York Nineteenth.

 

 

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